A

tion with Spain be expedient, it should be an effectual co-operation. I repeat, that I am far from prompting his majesty's goverument to engage in any rash romantic euterprize; but if, upon ascertaining the state of the popular mind in Spain, they find it is warmed by a patriotic and enthusiastic ardour, then, sir, all I ask is, that that feeling should be met here with corresponding energy and enthusiasm. Buonaparte has hi therto run a most victorious race. Hitherto he has had to coutend a- · gainst princes without dignity, and ministers without wisdom. He has fought against countries in which the people have been indifferent as to his success: he has yet to learn what it is to fight against a country in which the people are animated with one spirit to resist him. So far, sir, from bringing forward a motion prematurely to embarrass his majesty's government, I solemnly declare, that, if the opportunity to which I have alluded of a vigorous interference on the part of England should arise, the present administration shall have from me as cordial and as sincere a support as if the man whom I most loved were restored to life and power. Is this a vain discussion? Let those who think so look at the present state of Europe. Will not the animation of the Spanish mind be excited by the knowledge that their cause is espoused, not by ministers alone, but by the parliament and the people of England? If there be a disposition in Spain to resent the insults and injuries, too enor mous to be described by language, which they have endured from the tyrant of the earth, will not that disposition be roused to the most

sublime exertion, by the assurance that their efforts will be cordially aided by a great and powerful nation? Sir, I think this a most i'mportant crisis. Never was any thing so brave, so generous, so noble, as the conduct of the Asturians. They have magnanimously avowed their hostility to France, they have declared war against Buonaparte; they have no retreat; they are resolved to couquer, or to perish ia the grave of the honour and the independence of their country. It is that the British government may advance to their assistance with a firmer step, and with a bolder mien, that I have been anxious to afford this opportunity to the British parliament, of expressing the feelings which they entertain on the occasion. I move, sir, “That an humble Address be presented to his majesty, that he will be graciously pleased to direct that there be laid before this house, copies of such Proclamations as have been received by his majesty's secretary of state for foreign affairs, and which have been issued since the arrival of the French army at Madrid; whether by the Spanish government, the French commander in chief, or by persons since claiming to act on behalf of the Spanish nation."

Mr. secretary Canning admitted, that Mr. Sheridan's speech, being moderate, called for a general disclosure of the sentiments of his majesty's ministers as might be made without hazard, without a dishonourable compromise, and without exciting expectations, which might never be realized. He declared, that his majesty's ministers saw with a deep and lively interest, the noble struggle which a part of

the

the Spanish nation was now making to resist the unexampled atrocity of France, and to preserve the independence of their country; and that there existed the strongest disposition on the part of the British government to afford every practicable aid in a contest so magnanimous. It would never occur to ministry that a state of war existed between Spain and Great Britain. They should proceed upon the principle that any nation of Europe that started up with a determina tion to oppose a power which, whether insidiously professing peace, or declaring open war, was the common enemy of all nations, whatever might be the existing political relations of that nation with Great Britain, became instantly our essential ally. In that event his majesty's ministers would have three objects in view. The first, to direct the united efforts of the two countries against the common foe. The second, to direct those efforts in a way that should be most beneficial to the new ally. The third, to direct those efforts in a manner conducive peculiarly to British interests: though the last of these objects would be left entirely out of the question when compared with the other two.

To Mr. Whitbread, who considered the third of these as narrow policy, subjecting the interests of the great cause to the minor concerns of Great Britain, Mr. Cauning, very consistently indeed with what he had just declared, replied, that in this contest in which Spain was embarked, no interest could be so purely British as Spanish success; no conquest so- advantageous for Britain, as conquering from

France; but it was deemed highly improper, not only by Mr. Canning and other ministerialists, but by Mr. Ponsonby, and others on his side of the house, to communicate the information moved for to the world at the present mo

ment.

Mr. Sheridan said, that his only object was, to awaken the country to the opportunity, which if the in formation from Spain was true, might lead to the rescue of Europe, and to the release of oppressed countries from the grasp of a ruthless conqueror. He had no objection to withdraw his motion, convinced that much benefit might accrue, even from the present discussion.

The same interesting subject was introduced into the house of peers, on the 30th of June, by the duke of Norfolk.

On the third reading of the stamp duties bill, the duke rose, not to oppose the bill, but at a moment when parliament was voting supplies for the current year, to avail himself of the privilege of a peer of parliament, and offer some advice to his majesty's ministers, which the present posture of affairs suggested to his mind. It was, however, by no means his wish to draw any answers from the ministers, which they should not deem it perfectly proper and safe to make. The most wanton ambition, the foulest perfidy, the most cruel oppression, had lately displayed themselves in Spain to a degree unparal leled, he believed, in any age or country. These excesses had inspired the Spaniards with becoming indignation and resentiment, and they were now endavouring

to

to resist the power which was preparing to overwhelm them. There was no man but must wish success to a generous and gallant people, thus struggling in the glorious cause of national independence. No man, he was sure, could more cordially wish them success than he did, or would more willingly concur in the proper means of promoting and ensuring that success; but what were the most proper conditions, and the best mode of assisting the Spaniards? What part were his majesty's ministers prepared to act at so critical a juncture? They bad at present in this country delegates from the brave people of Spain, who seemed determined to stem the torrent by which they were to be swept into servitude. From these and other sources, he hoped they might be able to collect the best information of the real state of that country, and of the probability of success, with which so bold and hazardous a struggle might be attended. With such information before them, what would be their conduct? This was the point that excited his anxiety.Would they hold out encourage ment and assistance to the Spaniards, who were now in arms against the invaders, before they saw any form of government established in the country with which they could communicate? Would they make common cause with the patriots of Spain, before they ascertained the principles on which they were acting, and the end which they were endeavouring to accomplish? He could not think it politic to embark in such a cause, without some previous knowledge of the designs of the Spanish patriots, without some

more definite determination of the grounds on which they were proceeding to act. He hoped ministers would take a lesson from past experience, and recollect the result of the interference of this country. in La Vendee. He thought it his duty to throw out these hints, without expecting any detailed explanation of what might be the views and intentions of his majesty's government.

Lord Hawkesbury, after bestowing due praise on the candid and circumspect manner in which the noble duke had delivered his opinions on a point of such delicacy, said, that the people of Spain had manifested a spirit and determination to resist the attempts of their invaders, which would have done honour to the most glorious periods of their history, and which, perhaps, were not to have been expected under the pressure of such formidable difficulties. Such a scene, every man in that house, and in the country, must hail with the liveliest satisfaction. And what every generous heart must wish should be done, in support of so glorious a cause, his majesty's ministers would feel it their duty to do. With regard to what information they had received of the designs or the hopes of those brave and resolute men who, in defence of their country's independence, were exposing themselves to every thing that a powerful and san guinary tyrant could devise and inflict, it could not be expected that he should now unfold it. His majesty's ministers were fully sensible of the extreme importance of this event; and, he trusted, they would be found to have acted accordingly.

House

House of Lords, 4th July.-By virtue of a commission, the royal assent was given to a number of bills after which the lord chancellor, having delivered a speech in his majesty's name, to both houses, prorogued parliament to the 20th of August. The concluding, and,

indeed, the greater part of the speech turned, as was natural, on the Spanish nation, loyally and nobly struggling against the tyranny and usurpation of France, and therefore no longer to be considered as the enemy, but the ally of Great Britain.

CHAP.