altered, and the pay of the public officers of every description continues likewise on its ancient footing. Swedish Declaration against Russia, March 11, 1808. THE HE first intimation his majesty received of the hostile entrance of Russian troops into Finland on the 21st of February last, and of their public incitements to rebellion and revolt circulated in that pro. vince immediately afterwards, on behalf of his imperial Russian majesty, was by a telegraphic dispatch.-A breach of peace without a previous declaration of war, without a single article of complaint being prefer. red; a breach of peace emanating from treachery, and carried on by a traitor of his native country,* placed at the side of the commander in chief, is an event which has but few examples, and must at the first glance create detestation; but when this act is examined at the same time with what has lately occurred between the two countries; when contemplated in its forbidding deviation from those paths of truth and honour exemplified by his ally, no feeling can then express, no name can compass the extent of such depravity; its features will remain without a parallel in history, filling up the deeds of iniquity heaped to. George Springporten. gether in the present age.-At a time when his imperial Russian majesty seemed to feel tenderly for oppressed princes and countries; at a time when he estimated the dangers which threatened all Eu. rope, his majesty, actuated by similar sentiments, was led into cn. gagements with him, founded on the confidence he placed in him as a neighbour, an ally, and as an independent monarch. The emperor of Russia, in reference to the general welfare, had entered into useful engagements, had yet to demand of France the fulfilment of existing treaties, was possessed of power to support his own rights and those of all others concerned; his majesty entered into an alliance with him, and is now attacked by him on the direct ground of having been his ally. Never did a prince enter into an alliance with a more assured consciousness of the purity of its motives, as well as of its being inviolably kept. The empe. ror had been personally insulted by the refusal of the French government to fulfil a concluded and sealed treaty; had been publicly defamed by repeated insults levelled at his own person. The Russian nation had been no less insulted, being gazetted as savages and barbarians.+ Thus every thing that is sacred to a government, was connect. ed with the common interest. Was A people (the Russians) who from their barbarous customs and manners ought to create abhorrence amongst all civilized nations.--Ordre du Jour. Vienne, le 25 Brumaire, An. 14 (14th November, 1805.)-These savage bands, whose assistance shall for the last time, be called forth by European governments -25 bulletin de la grand armeé, le 25 Brumaire, An. 14. If the Greek religion be allowed once to spread itself between the Baltic and the Mediterranean seas, we shall soon see our provinces attacked by a heap of mad barbarians--procla ration, the head-quarters, Warsaw, 25th Jan, 1807. Signed Napoleon Buonapite. it then possible but to look upon as irrevocable, what the emperor him. self had declared, "that he would reject all conditions of peace, whe. ther more or less advantageous, if they were not consistent with the glory of the Russian name; the security of the empire; the sanctity of alliances; and the tranquillity and peace of all Europe."*-In what manner, and how far these great objects have been obtained by the peace of Tilsit, contemporaries have already decided, and futurity will more clearly discover. The king, although at his post on the theatre of war, was, contrary to the express tenor of his convention with Russiat, neither informed of the armistice, nor of the definitive negociations, till the peace was concluded, having received advice of these transactions, accompanied with a cold and slight invitation to assist in the object of peace,‡ the king re-newed his application for an armistice (which ought, no doubt, to have been stipulated in the peace of Tilsit), but received only evasive answers, and discovered at once the value of Russian co-operation. The king finding himself in conse. quence unable to defend his German states any longer, was obliged to leave them to their subsequent fate. Having sustained this loss, originating in the desertion of Rus sia, his majesty was again placed out of the theatre of war, and endeavoured to enjoy within his own territory that peace and quietness which its geographical situation seemed to ensure to him. Having faithfully acted up to his engagements towards Russia, his ma jesty promised himself that notwithstanding the different system she had adopted, a just and equitable retrospect would be given to former occurrences. The king had supported the operations of Russia with his ships of war; had shared with the emperor his military stores; had rejected and immediately communicated the offers made him by the French government. Among others, one that on condition of breaking with Russia while in the midst of the war, and when the Russian frontiers and her very capital were defenceless, Sweden should be put in possession of all the provinces lost during the reign of Charles XII, together with such further part of the Russian empire as his majesty might determine. His majesty stands on higher ground than to make a merit of having resisted temptations so mean and contemptible; but he is not without See the Russian manifesto of the 30th August, 1806. ↑ Both the high contracting parties had engaged in the most powerful manner, that the hostilities being once commenced, they should not lay down their arms, or treat about any reconciliation with the French government without their mutual consent. The convention between Sweden and Russia, dated the 14th January, 1805.-Art. IX. General Budberg's letter to baron de Wetterstedt, first secretary for the foreign correspondence, dated the 10th July, 1807. Promise of Norway given by general Bernadotte to a Swedish officer-a prisoner, Nov. 1806, respecting the extending of dominions of the French minister Bourienne, to Netzel the chargé des affaires, the 14th November, 1806. General Grandjean's representation to colonel baron Tavast, the 27th May, 1807, that Sweden was to demand what territory she wished to have in order that she might counterbalance Russia, &c. &c. hopes hopes that the aggregated censure due to a power thus spared in the hour of danger, will be propor. tioned to its oppressive conduct towards this kingdom.-The consequences of the secret articles of the treaty of Tilsit, which were imme. diately suspected, and which the Russian ministry have since acknowledged, began by degrees to unfold themselves. England's commercial monopoly, that ridiculous scarecrow, erected by the French government, in order to usurp to itself the Continent, was also brought forward for the contem. plation of the North, for the sake of extending, even to that part of the world, the oppression and misery which, from port to port, from state to state, Europe had been subjected to. No government is any longer left to its own light and experience; no people to their own lawful industry; no middle class must be acknowledged between the vassal and the enemy. Peace signifies confederacy-confederacy, submission; and from Paris must proceed the mandates which are to dictate both principles, laws, and ordinancies, to the self-styled, independent confederacy, while they promote only a lust for power, and violate what is most sacred in society and between societies.-Preparations were made in conformity at St. Petersburgh last autumn, for a rupture with England, and they waited only for the proper season of the year to be able, with somewhat more security, to carry that measure into effect. A proposal was made to his royal majesty, in a note, dated the 6th of October, to assist agreeably to the convention made in 1780, in shutting the Balic against foreign ships of war. His VOL. L. majesty, on the 13th November, returned for answer that so long as the French government was in possession of so many harbours on the south side of the Baltic, and there exercised their system of exclusion, the Baltic could not be kept peaceable. His majesty in consequence also requested that his imperial majesty would first endea vour to prevail on the French to quit those ports; and when the first-mentioned application was renewed on the 27th of the same month, as an objection grounded on the convention of 1780, his majesty circumstantially declared on the 21st Jan. last, that by vir tue of the convention made in the year 1801, between Russia and England, and to which his majesty at the pressing instance of Russia, and under her own guarantee, be.. came a party, the previous armed neutrality had entirely ceased. That his majesty had then entered into direct engagements with Eng land, in reference to that object, and which could not equitably be departed from, so long as the latter power, on her side, fulfilled her obligations. That at the same time that the armed neutrality was done away with, the stipulations ground. ed therein, respecting the shutting of the Baltic, became null and void, and which was the less applicable to existing circumstances, as the Danish naval force, then calculated upon, no longer was in being; not to mention that England had since that time discovered the passage through the great Belt. But that of Sweden could not with her arms contribute to the protection of the Baltic, she would, on the other hand, take upon herself to obtain, by negociation with England, that U she she should not send any ships of war into those seas, provided no other power made armaments there, or new hostilities should oblige her to come there as an assistant. That Sweden should be called upon to serve Russia as outworks, because she had thought proper to provoke England; that Sweden should sacrifice her filect and commerce as a defence for Cronstadt and Revel, was asking rather too much; yet immediately after these representa tions, Russia actually commenced. her preparations for war on the frontiers of Finland. His majesty continued, notwithstanding, to view them with calm forbearance; for as yet no specific complaints had been preferred, nor had any unconditional demands been made. The proposal (his majesty had made) of an agreement to protect the Baltic, presented aspects of tranquillity and advantage to Russia, to all the north, which it would appear could not, but under great responsibility, be refused. The ports of Russia would thereby be come more frequent than they had been since the commencement of the war, and might obtain an emilation in trade respecting their produce, unknown for many years. Neighbourly friendship, commerce, repose after an unfortunate war, and some motives for applause after a still more unfortunate peace, such were the advantages to be derived from the proposals which the king made to the emperor. They were made with a well-grounded confidence in the concurrence of England, and his majesty expected Russia's consent would have arrived much earlier than the dreaded English fleet could shew itself as an avenger in the Baltic. He pressed a speedy answer, and it was intended that the king's ambassador should, on the 15th of February, in a private audience with the emperor, which was promised him, urge this important concern; when at once the communication of the embassy with Sweden was in a violent manner interrupted, and Russian troops entered Finland with the following proclamations: [Here follow the Russian proclamations, dated Frederiksham the 18th (6th) Feb. 1808, and Louisa, 10th (228) Feb. 1808, already published]. The declaration then concludes as follows:-Let every legal government, let every brave and honest warrior, every loyal subject, judge of this conduct: a treacherous invasion of a peaceful neighbour's country, preceded by manifestoes inviting to rebellion, are things at all times detestable, even in these latter times, otherwise so burthened with examples of violence and injustice. The Russian empire, the ally of France, is not, it would seem, powerful enough to abide upon the common terms of the law of nations, the resistance of a province left to defend itself on account of the season of the year. It calls forth the aid of treachery and treason. The government expects to purchase the Finlanders en masse, under promises of liberty; but the commander of the army offers to, purchase the soldiers individually, like slaves, in the market of St. Petersburgh or Riga.-Ye youthful inhabitants of Finland, a people worthy of esteem; your king has, during the whole of his reign, paid attention to your in struction, to the cultivation and prosperity of your country. A faithless neighbour threatens to hurl you you back to the state you were in in ages past, because your neighbourhood is become a reproach to him. His sword is brandished over your heads; his plundering hands are stretched towards your proper ty; his forces approach your dwelling, and his promises and protesfations have no other aim than to facilitate his access to you. Deeply grieved at the distresses inseparable from war, although conscious of in no wise having been the cause of it, your king rests assured that your hearts will remain unseduced and your courage unsubdued, till the time shall arrive when he can freely employ his whole force, and that of his ally, in protecting and revenging you. out the slightest deviation. All Europe has resounded with one cry of indignation at the crime comb mitted by Great Britain against a neutral and peaceful state; and from all quarters has the Danish government received testimonies of the most lively interest in its cause. The court of Stockholm alone, notwithstanding the particular ties which united it with that of Copen hagen, observed a total silence, which it at length broke, only to prefer complaints the most un founded and reproaches the most unjust, with respect to the inconveniences that had indirectly resulted to it, from the events of the war, as well as from the rigorous measures which the situation to which the Danish government has been most unexpectedly reduced, has imperiously required it to adopt, and which the chicane and endless vexations of Sweden have HE Danish government has been little calculated to induce it Danish Declaration against Sweden, 29th February, 1808. to see the effect of the efforts employed by the court of St. Petersburgh for the purpose of recalling Sweden by the most friendly means, to those interests which are com. mon to her with all the powers of the north, and to those principles which are the first bond of her connection with Russia and Den mark. These efforts having finally proved ineffectual, the Danish government finds itself placed in a position towards Sweden which will no longer allow its relations with that kingdom to remain un. certain. What these relations had become, it is indeed impossible to dissemble, after a perfidious aggression had suddenly forced Denmark from the path she had followed during a long series' of years with would have been extremely embarrassed to interpret the conduct on the part of a sovereign, whose interests, principles, and sentiments, it had regarded as being equally wounded by an act of atrocity, which has suddenly lighted the flames of war in the north, if it had not quickly seen cause to suppose, that the resolution taken by the king of Sweden under these circumstances was not merely that of indifference. The extraordinary facility with which that monarch, . several weeks before the reduction of Stralsund, had consented to the departure of the major part of the English forces in Pomerania (whe ther, as it should seem, they came with no other view than to await the opportunity of being conveyed |