stead of a free restitution or gift of these territories, restored or given them for the profit of Christianity, it is exactly for the welfare of Christianity, or, to speak more strictly, of the catholic religion, that the holy father wishes peace with all the world, avoids to provoke the resentment of any power, and refuses to interfere in political quarrels. After so many voices have been raised against different popes, who have, for the best reasons, engaged in wars, the holy father cannot perceive why it can be attributed to him as a crime that he refused to assume a warlike character, and, at the suggestion of a foreign power, commence a war without any provocation, and which must be highly prejudicial to religion and his subjects. His holiness cannot on any account overlook the injury which is done him in the forementioned decree, wherein it is remarked, that the gift of Charlemagne was not made for the benefit of the enemies of our holy religion: thereby accusing his holiness of betraying the interests of the church. This accusation has made a lively impression on the mind of his holiness, who, for upwards of three years, has been suffering persecution in behalf of religion, and for having 'acted faithfully in his apostolic capacity. He has suffered it, that he might not implicate himself in a permanent system of warfare, and that he might not, by his conduct, obstruct the free exercise of the catholic worship. His holiness has submitted to it, because he could not admit the principles which were frequently intimated to him, which were, that if his holiness was bishop of Rome, his majesty was notwithstanding emperor of it, and that the holy father ought to submit to him in temporal matters in the same manner as his majesty submitted to his holiness in religious matters; that the territories of the holy see belonged to the French empire, and that therefore the pope ought always to make common cause with the emperor and his successors; that he ought at all times to consider the enemies of France as his own, and that he ought of consequence to become a part of the federative system of the empire. The solemn oaths which the holy father has made to maintain his liberty and independence, so essential to the catholic religion, and the free exercise of his supreme spiritual power, do not allow him to subscribe to those destructive and fatal maxims. His holiness suffers this persecution, because he would not consent to the preten. sions of his majesty to nominate as many French cardinals as should form one-third of the sacred col. lege, which must have sapped the fundamental base of its constitu tion, attacked the independence of his spiritual power, and again in. troduced those unhappy disasters which the church still deplores. His holiness suffers, because he would not enter into an offensive and defensive league against any power in Europe, catholic or otherwise, to the manifest injury of religion. If this refusal implies an abandonment of religion, let heaven, the church, the world, and posterity, judge. The holy father has the most conscientious reflection, that he never did any injury to his majesty, or to France; but if his majesty actually had any complaints complaints against his holiness personally, that would not justify him in resenting on the catholic church, by irrevocably and for ever rob. bing it of that very property which the same decree declares to have been bestowed for the good of Christianity, nor to rob that church, which is not the proprietor, more than the pontiff, who is only the guardian of it. That church having the spiritual superintendance of every other, hath, since the peace of Constantine, been enriched by the piety of monarchs and people, and hath, by an admirable order of Providence, first accumulated considerable property, and afterwards different states, that it might maintain its spiritual go. vernment with more decency, liberty, and advantage--this very church, which his majesty would reduce to a state of degradation, and incapacity of exercising its divine supremacy. His holiness cannot sufficiently regret the error into which his majesty has fallen, since, in his decree, whereby he deprives the holy see of a part of its states, on the ground "that they were not intend ed to benefit the enemies of the catholic religion." His majesty has published in the same states, that code against which his holiness hath so often, but unsuccessfully, complained, on account of the articles it contains contrary to the gospel and the laws of the church, particularly of marriage and di vorce. His holiness cannot conceal his astonishment at seeing the demand of his excellency cardinal Caprara for his passports, made an additional motive to justify this scandalous spoliation. After what the com undersigned had the honour of signifying,, in answer to the note of his excellency M. Champagny in the month of April, his holiness believes that the grounds of the principal accusations are pletely refuted. He hath already sufficiently proved that the appli. cation for passports was accompanied with the equitable condition that the French emperor should evacuate Rome, and relinquish those pretensions which his holiness felt inadmissible. His holiness, therefore, cannot abstain from repeating, that it was discretionary with his majesty either to permit the departure of M. Caprara, who was not only the ambassador of the court of Rome, but at the same time the apostolic legate, or to permit him to continue bis residence at Paris. His departure ought not, therefore, to be made any subject of complaint. If the injustice of this decree hath increased the grief wherewith the mind of his holiness is overwhelmed, he could not but be additionally afflicted on perusing the other decree of the same date, which enjoins all cardinals, prelates, and officers, holding any em ployment at the court of Rome, who are natives of Italy, to return, under the penalty of their whole property in case of disobedience. it is, therefore, perfectly clear to his holiness, that it is not his tem. poral authority, but also his spiritual, which is intended to be subverted, although the second decree makes a studied distinction between the temporal sovereign of Rome, and the vicar of Jesus Christ, under the pretext of show. ing a seeming respect for the latter.-It must be evident to the universe, universe, that the intentions of his majesty the emperor are to render his holiness incapable of fulfilling his sacred duties, by dispersing his senate, and overturning the church establishment, and removing from him those persons most dear to him, thereby depriving him of the only consolation which remained to him in the exercise of his apostolical functions, already on the decline. The pope is not only the bishop of Rome, as hath been so improperly asserted, but he is at the same time the head of the catholic church, and in that character, he holy see can recover the real possession, when it may please the true and faithful God, who fights for justice, and who hath inscribed on his garments and forehead, THE KING OF KINGS, AND LORD OF LORDS.. Spanish Declaration of War against the Emperor of France, Napoleon the First. Ferdinand the Seventh, King of Spain and the Indies, and in his Name the Supreme Junta of both. is entitled to choose his ministers and coadjutors from the different nations of the earth. In fact, since the commencement of Chris. tianity, the clergy of Rome have been always composed, not only of Romans, but of individuals from all nations, as is evident from the number of strangers admitted amongst the clergy of Rome, and who, during the first four centuries, ascended the chair of St. Peter. All these motives justify the grief of his holiness, who protests against a law, which spares not even distinguished ecclesiastics, chosen to assist him in his labours for the church of God. His holi ness, at the same time, strongly protests, in the face of all the earth, against the usurpation of his states. He solemnly declares it to be unjust, vain, void, and of no avail; that it never can truly af. fect the imprescriptible and legi-with the most dreadful perfidy, timate rights of sovereignty and possession of his holiness and suc. cessors for ever; and if force shall deprive him of his possessions, he is determined to maintain the integrity of his rights, because the FRANCE, under the government of the emperor Napoleon the First, has violated towards Spain the most sacred compacts—has ar." rested her monarchs-obliged them to a forced and manifestly void ab. dication and renunciation; has be haved with the same violence towards the Spanish nobles whom he keeps in his power-bas declaredTM that he will elect a king of Spain, the most horrible attempt that is recorded in history-has sent his troops into Spain, seized her for. tresses and her capital, and scattered his troops throughout the country has committed against` Spain all sorts of assassinations, robberies, and unheard of cruelties and this he has done with the most enormous ingratitude to the ser. vices which the Spanish nation has rendered France, to the friendship it has shown her, thus treating it fraud, and treachery, such as was never committed against any na. tion or "monarch by the most bar. barons or ambitious king or people. He has, in fine, declared thatTM he will trample down our monar chy, chy, our fundamental laws, and bring about the ruin of our holy Catholic religion. The only reme. dy, therefore, for such grievous ills, which are so manifest to all Europe, is in war, which we declare against him. In the name, therefore, of our king Ferdinand the seventh, and of all the Spanish nation, we declare war by land and sea against the emperor Napoleon the first, and against France; we are determined to throw off her domination and tyranny, and command all Spa. niards to act hostilely against her, to do her all possible damage ac. cording to the laws of war, to place an embargo upon all French ships in our ports, and all property and effects, in whatever part of Spain they may be, whether belonging to the government or to the individuals of that nation. In the same manner we command, that no embarrassment or molestation be done to the English nation, nor its government, nor its ships, property, or effects, nor any individual of that nation. We declare that there shall be open and free communica. tion with England: that we have contracted, and will keep an ar. mistice with her, and that we hope to conclude a durable and lasting peace. 1 Moreover we protest, we will not lay down our arms till the emperor Napoleon the first has restored to Spain our king Ferdinand the seventh, and the rest of the royal family; has respected the sacred rights of the nation, which he has violated, and her liberty, integrity, and independence. With the same understanding and accordance with the Spanish nation, we command that the present solemn VOL. L. His Britannic Majesty's Declara tion to the Envoys of Asturias. Dated, Office of Foreign Af fairs, 12th June. My Lords, HAVE laid before my sove reign the letter which you were authorised by the junta of the principality of Asturias to deliver to me, together with the powers entrusted to you by the junta, entreating, in their name, his majes ty's assistance. His majesty has desired me to assure your excellencies, that he feels the warmest interest in the resolution of the principality of Asturias to sustain against the atrocious usurper of France a contest in favour of the independence of the Spanish monarchy: that his majesty is disposed to grant every kind of assistance to efforts so magnanimous and praise. worthy. His majesty has, therefore, ordered me to declare, that no time shall be lost in embarking for the port of Gijon the succours that you require, as being the most pressingly necessary; he will besides send a naval force capable of protecting the coast of Asturias against any attempt which France may make, and of introduci troops by sea into the countryng X his majesty will make further efforts in support of so just a cause. His majesty has also ordered me to de. clare to your excellencies, his rçadiness to extend the same succour to every other part of the Spanish monarchy which may be animated by the same spirit of the inhabitants of Asturias, as well as his majesty's sincere desire to renew those tics of friendship which subsisted so Jong between the two nations, and to direct his united efforts against any power which may evince hostile intentions against Spain, as well as Great-Britain. I recommend to your excellencies to communicate, as soon as possible, to the junta, the manner in which his majesty has received the proposals transmitted by your excellencies. A vessel has been got ready at Portsmouth, to carry any person you may think proper to dispatch....I beg your excellencies to accept the assurances of my high consideration. (Signed) GEO. CANNING. SE in all ages. Proclamation of the Supreme Junta at Seville, 29th May, 180s. EVILLE could not resist the impulse of her heroic loyalty, of which she has set the example The king, to whom we all swore allegiance with emotions of joy, unprecedented in history, has been decoyed from us, The fundamental laws of our mo. narchy are trampled under foot; our property, our customs, our wives...all which the nation holds most dear, is threatened with im. minent danger. Our holy religion, our only hope, is doomed to perdition, or will be reduced to mere external appearances without support and without protection. And all this is done by a foreign power, not by dint of arms, but by deceit and treachery, by taking advantage of our good nature, and by converting the very persons who call themselves the heads of our government, into instruments of those atrocious acts; persons, who, either from the baseness of their sentiments, from shameful fear, or perhaps from other motives, which time or justice will unfold, hesitate not to sacrifice their country. lt therefore became necessary to break the shackles, which prevented the Spanish people from displaying that generous ardour, which in all ages has covered them with glory; that noble courage, with which they have always defended the honour of the nation, their laws, their mo narchs, and their religion. The people of Seville joined accordingly the 27th May; and, through the medium of all their magistrates, of all their constituted authorities, perfectly united, and of the most respectable individuals of every rank and description, this supreme council of government was formed, invested with all necessary powers, and charged to defend the country, the religion, the laws, and the king. We accept the heroic trust; we swear to discharge it, and reckon on the strength and, energy of the whole nation. We have again proclaimed Don Ferdinand VII. our king; again we swore allegiance to him, swore to die in his defence---and this was the signal of happiness and union, and will prove so to all Spain. A council of government had scarce been formed, when it violated the most sacred laws of the realm. A president appointed without any authority whatever, and who, had he bad |