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on again this duty on molasses—not at this day- | long to be exempt from the demands of these this is not the last tariff measure; for in less sturdy beggars who will take no denial. Every than five years, I would, if I were a betting concession does but render every fresh demand man, wager any odds that we have another tariff and new concession more easy. It is like those proposition, worse by far than that, amendments dastard nations who vainly think to buy peace. to which gentlemen had strangled yesterday by When I look back to what the country of which the bowstring of the previous question. Fair I am a representative was, and when I see what dealing leads to safe counsels and safe issues. she is when I recollect the expression of Lord There is a certain left-handed wisdom, that often Cornwallis, applied to Virginia," that great and overreaches its own objects, which grasps at the unterrified colony," which he was about to shadow, and lets go the substance. We shall enter, not without some misgivings of his mind not only have this duty on molasses, I can tell as to the result of the invasion—when I comthe gentleman from Connecticut, but we shall pare what she was when this House of Reprehave, moreover, an additional bounty on intoxi- sentatives first assembled in the city of New cation by whiskey, in the shape of an additional York, and what she now is, I know, by the disduty on foreign distilled spirits.

astrous contrast, that her councils have not been The ancient commonwealth of Virginia, one governed by statesmen. They might be adof whose unworthy sons, and more unworthy mirable professors of a university, powerful representatives, I am, must now begin to open dialecticians "ex cathedra," but no sound counher eyes to the fatal policy which she has pur- sels of wise statesmen could ever lead to such sued for the last forty years. I have not a doubt, practical ill results as are exhibited by a comthat they who were the agents for transferring parison of the past and present condition of the her vast, and boundless, and fertile country to ancient colony and dominion of Virginia. the United States, with an express stipulation, In the course of this discussion, I have heard, in effect, that not an acre of it should ever I will not say with surprise, because “nil enure to the benefit of any man from Virginia, admirari” is my motto-no doctrine that can were as respectable, and kind-hearted, and hos- be broached on this floor, can ever, hereafter, pitable, and polished, and guileless Virginia excite surprise in my mind—I have heard the gentlemen, as ever were cheated out of their names of Say, Ganilh, Adam Smith, and Ricardo, estates by their overseers; men who, as long pronounced not only in terms, but in a tone of as they could command the means, by sale of sneering contempt, visionary theorists, destitute their last acre, or last negro, would have a good of practical wisdom, and the whole clan of dinner, and give a hearty welcome to whomso- Scotch and Quarterly reviewers lugged in to ever chose to drop in to eat, friend or stranger, boot. This, sir, is a sweeping clause of proscripbidden or unbidden. What will be the effect tion. With the names of Say, Smith, and of this bill on the Southern States? The effect Ganilh, I profess to be acquainted, for Í, too, of this policy is, what I shudder to look at; the am versed in title-pages; but I did not expect more because the next census is held up in to hear, in this House, a name, with which I terrorem

We are told, you had bet- am a little further acquainted, treated with so ter consent to this—we are not threatened ex- little ceremony; and by whom I leave Adam actly with general Gage and the Boston port Smith to the simplicity, and majesty, and bill; but we are told by gentlemen, we shall, strength of his own native genius, which has after the next census, so saddle, and bridle, and canonized his name—a name which will be promartingale you, that you will be easily regulated nounced with veneration, when not one in this by any bit, or whip, however severe, or spurs, House will be remembered. But one word as however rank, of domestic manufacture that to Ricardo, the last mentioned of these writers we choose to use. But this argument, sir, has —a new authority, though the grave has alno weight in it with me. I do not choose to ready closed upon him, and set its seal upon his be robbed now, because, after I am once robbed, reputation. I shall speak of him in the language it will be easier to rob me again. “Obsta of a man of as great a genius as this, or perhaps principiis” is my maxim-because every act of any, age has ever produced; a man remarkable extension of the system operates in a twofold for the depth of his reflections and the acumen way, decreasing the strength and means of the of his penetration. “I had been led,” says this robbed, and increasing those of the robber. man, " to look into loads of books—my underThis is as true as any proposition in mathe- standing had for too many years been intimate matics. Gentlemen need not tell us, we had with severe thinkers, with logic, and the great better give in at once. No, sir, we shall not masters of knowledge, not to be aware of the give in; no, we shall hold out—we shall not utter feebleness of the herd of modern econogive in.

We do not mean to be threatened out mists. I sometimes read chapters from moru of our rights by the menace of another census. recent works, or part of parliamentary debated. We are aware of our folly, and it is our business I saw that these” [ominous words !] "were gento provide against the consequences of it; but erally the very dregs and rinsings of the human not in this way. When I recollect that the intellect." [I am very glad, sir, he did not read tariff of 1816 was followed by that of 1819–our debates. What would he have said of 20, and that by this measure of 1823-4, I can- ours ?] “At length a friend sent me Mr. not believe that we are, at any time hereafter, Ricardo's book, and, recurring to my own pro

VOL. II. -12

over aus.

phetic anticipation of the advent of some legis- We have been told that the economists are lator on this science, I said, Thou art the man. right in theory and wrong in practice; which Wonder and curiosity had long been dead in is as much as to say, that two bodies occupy at me; yet I wondered once more. Had this pro- the same time the same space; for it is equally found work been really written in England impracticable to be right in theory and wrong during the 19th century? Could it be that an in practice. It is easy to be wrong in practice; Englishman, and he not in academic bowers, but if our practice corresponds with our theory, but oppressed by mercantile and senatorial it is a solecism to say that we can be right in cares, had accomplished what all the universi- the one and wrong in the other. As for Alexties and a century of thought had failed to ad- ander and Cæsar, I have as little respect for vance by one hair's breadth? All other writers their memory as is consistent with that involhad been crushed and overlaid by the enormous untary homage which all must pay to men of weight of facts and documents: Mr. Ricardo their prowess and abilities; and if Alexander had deduced, “a priori," from the understand had suffered himself to be led by the nose out, ing itself, laws which first gave a ray of light of Babylon and banished to Sinope, or if Cæsar into the unwieldy chaos of materials, and had had suffered himself to be deprived of his imconstructed what had been but a collection of perial sway, not by the dagger of the assassin, tentitive discussions, into a science of regular but by his own slavish fears, I should have as proportions, now first standing on an eternal little respect for their memory as for that of basis.”

him whose example has on this occasion been I pronounce no opinion of my own on Ri- held up to us for admiration. Speaking of that cardo; I recur rather to the opinion of a man man who has kept me awake night after night, inferior, in point of original and native genius, and has been to me an incubus by day, for fear and that highly cultivated, too, to none of the of the vastness of his designs, I cannot conceive moderns, and few of the ancients. Upon this of a spectacle so pitiful, so despicable, as that subject, what shall we say to the following fact? man, under those circumstances; and if the Butler, who is known to gentlemen of the pro- work dictated by him at St. Helena be read fession of the law, as the annotator, with Har- with the slightest attention, no forsworn witgrave, on Lord Coke, speaking with Fox as ness at the Old Bailey was ever detected in so to political economy—that most extraordinary many contradictions as he has been guilty of. man, unrivalled for his powers of debate, ex- No, sir, the Jupiter from whose reluctant hand celled by no man that ever lived, or probably the thunderbolt is wrung, is not the one at ever will live, as a public debater, and of the whose shrine I worship-not that I think that deepest political erudition, fairly confessed that the true Amphytrion is always him with whom he had never read Adam Smith. Butler said we dine. Napoleon is not the political econoto Mr. Fox, “that he had never read Adam mist who is to take place of Smith and Ricardo. Smith's work on the Wealth of Nations.” “To Will any man make me believe that he undertell you the truth,” replied Mr. Fox, " nor I stood the theory or the practice of political neither. There is something in all these sub- economy better than these men, or than Charles jects that passes my comprehension—something Fox? Impossible. When I recollect what that so wide that I could never embrace them my man might have done for liberty, and what he self, or find any one who did.” And yet we did ; when I recollect that to him we owe this see how we, with our little dividers, undertake Holy Alliance—this fearful power of Russia to lay off the scale, and with our pack-thread of Russia, where I should advise persons to go to take the soundings, and speak with a confi- who desire to be instructed in petty treason by dence peculiar to quacks (in which the regular- the murder of a husband, or in parricide by the bred professor never indulges) on this abstruse murder of a father, but from whom I should and perplexing subject. Confidence is one never think of taking a lesson in political econthing, knowledge another; of the want of omy—to whom I say rather, pay your debts, which, overweening confidence is notoriously not in depreciated paper; do not commit daily the indication. What of that? Let Ganilh, acts of bankruptcy; restore your currency ; Say, Ricardo, Smith, all Greek and Roman practise on the principles of liberality and jusfame be against us; we appeal to Dionysius in tice, and then I will listen to you. No, sir, support of our doctrines; and to him, not on Russia may, if she pleases, not only lay heavy the throne of Syracuse, but at Corinth-not in duties on imports; she may prohibit them if absolute possession of the most wonderful and she pleases; she has nothing to export but what enigmatical city, as difficult to comprehend as some inland countries have, political power the abstrusest problem of political economy, physical, to be sure, as well as intellectual which furnished not only the means but the power—but she does not even dare to attack men for supporting the greatest wars—a king- the Turk: she cannot stir: she is something dom within itself, under whose ascendant the like some of our interior people of the South, genius of Athens, in her most high and palmy who have plenty of land, plenty of serfs, smokestate, quailed, and stood rebuked. No; we houses filled with meat, and very fine horses to follow the pedagogue to the schools—dictating ride, but who, when they go abroad, bave not in the classic shades of Longwood--(“lucus a one shilling to bless themselves with: and so non lucendo ")—to his disciples.

long as she is at peace, and does not trouble the rest of the world, so long she may be suffered | now propose to exercise; for, if we are now to remain : but, if she should continue to act passing à revenue bill—à bill the object of hereafter as she has done heretofore, it will be which were to raise revenue-however much the interest of the civilized world to procure I should deny the policy, and however I coule! her dismemberment, “per fas aut nefas.' demonstrate the futility of the plan, I still should

But it is said, a measure of this sort is neces- deem it to be a constitutional bill-a bill passed sary to create employment for the people. to carry, “bona fide,” into effect, a provision Why, sir, where are the bandles of the plough? of the constitution, but a bill passed with shortAre they unfit for young gentlemen to touch? sighted views. But this is no such bill. It is Or will they rather choose to enter your mili- a bill, under pretence of regulating commerce, tary academies, where the sons of the rich are to take money from the pockets of a very large, educated at the expense of the poor, and where and, I thank God, contiguous territory, and to so many political janissaries are every year put it into other pockets. One word, sir, on turned out, always ready for war, and to sup- that point;-I can assure the gentlemen whose port the powers that be--equal to the strelitzes appetites are so keenly whetted for our money of Moscow or St. Petersburg. I do not speak - I trust, at least, if this bill passes, there will now of individuals, of course, but of the ten- be a meeting of the members opposed to it, and dency of the system—the hounds follow the a general and consentaneous resistance to its huntsman because he feeds them, and bears the operation throughout the whole southern counwhip. I speak of the system. I concur most try—and we shall make it by lawful means ; heartily, sir, in the censure which has been quant à nous," the law will be a dead letter. passed upon the greediness of office, which It shall be to me, at least, as innocuous as the stands a stigma on the present generation. pill of the empiric which I am determined riut Men from whom we might expect, and from to swallow. The manufacturer of the east may whom I did expect, better things, crowd the carry his wollens, or his cottons, or his, coffins, antechamber of the palace, for every vacant to what market he pleases—I do not buy of office; nay, even before men are dead, their him. Self-defence is the first law of nature. shoes are wanted for some barefooted office- | You drive us into it. You create heats and seeker. How mistaken was the old Roman, animosities among this great family, who ought the old consul, who, whilst he held the plough to live like brothers; and, after you have got by one hand, and death held the other, ex- this temper of mind roused among the southern claimed, “ Diis immortalibus sero!”

people, do you expect to come among us to Our fathers, how did they acquire their trade, and expect us to buy your wares? Sir, property? By straightforward industry, recti- not only shall we not buy them, but we shall tude, and frugality. How did they become dis- take such measures (I will not enter into the possessed of their property? By indulging in detail of them now) as shall render it impossible speculative hopes and designs, seeking the for you to sell them. Whatever may be said shadow whilst they lost the substance; and here of the “misguided counsels” as they have now, instead of being, as they were, men of been termed, “ of the theorists of Virginia,' respectability, men of substance, men capable they have, so far as regards this question, the and willing to live independently and honestly, confidence of united Virginia. We are askedand hospitably too—for who so parsimonious as Does the South lose any thing by this bill—why the prodigal who has nothing to give :—what do yo- cry out? I put it, sir, to any man have we become? A nation of sharks, preying from any part of the country, from the Gulf of on one another through the instrumentality Mexico, from the Balize, to the eastern shore of this paper system, which, if Lycurgus had of Maryland—which, I'thank Heaven, is not known of it, he would unquestionably have yet under the government of Baltimore, and adopted, in preference to his iron money, if his will not be, unless certain theories should come object had been to make the Spartans the most into play in that state, which we have lately accomplished knaves as well as to keep them heard of, and a majority of men, told by the poor.

head, should govern—whether the whole counBut we are told this is a curious constitution try between the points I have named, is not of ours: it is made for foreigners, and not for unanimous in opposition to this bill. Would it ourselves for the protection of foreign, and not be unexampled, that we should thus comnot of American industry. Sir, this is a curi- plain, protest, resist, and that all the while ous constitution of ours, and if I were disposed nothing should be the matter? Are our underto deny it, I could not succeed. It is an anomaly standings (however low mine may be rated, in itself. It is that supposed impossibility of much sounder than mine are engaged in this all writers, from Aristotle to the present day, resistance), to be rated so low, as that we are an "imperium in imperio." Nothing like it to be made to believe that we are children afever did exist, or possibly ever will, under simi- frighted by a bugbear? We are asked, howlar circumstances. It is a constitution consist-cver, why do you cry out? it is all for your ing of confederated bodies, for certain exterior good. Sir, this reminds me of the mistresses purposes, and also for some interior purposes, of George II., who, when they were insulted but leaving to the state authorities, among á by the populace on arriving in London (as all great many powers, the very one wbich we such creatures deserve to be, by every mob),


put their heads out of the window, and said to Give gentle way when there's too great a press; them in their broken English, “Goot people, we

And for your conscience, only learn to nerve it,be come for your goots;” to which one of the

For like a racer, or a boxer, training, mob rejoined—“Yes, and for our chattels too, I

'Twill make, if proved, vast efforts without paining.“ fancy.' Just so it is with the oppressive exactions proposed and advocated by the sup

I had more to say, Mr. Speaker, could I porters of this bill, on the plea of the good of have said it, on this subject. But I cannot sit those who are its victims.

down without asking those, who were once my There is not a member in this House, sir, more brethren of the church, the elders of the

young deeply penetrated than the one who is en family of this good old republic of the thirteen deavoring to address you, with the inadequate States, if they can consent to rivet upon us this manner in which he has discharged the task system, from which no benefit can possibly reimposed upon him; in this instance, he will sult to themselves. I put it to them as desay, on his part, most reluctantly. But, as I scendants of the renowned colony of Virginia: have been all my life a smatterer in history, I as children sprung from her loins; if for the cannot fail to be struck with the fitness of the sake of all the benefits, with which this bill comparison instituted by a historian of this is pretended to be freighted to them, granting country with the Roman republic, just as it was such to be the fact for argument's sake, they in a state of preparation for a master.

could consent to do such an act of violence to “Sed, postquam luxu, atque desidia civitas the unanimous opinion, feelings, prejudices, if corrupta est ; rursus respublica, magnitudine you will of the whole Southern States, as to sua, imperatorum atque magistratuum vitia pass it? I go farther. I ask of them what is sustentabat; ac veluti effcta parentum, multis there in the condition of the nation, at this tempestatibus, haud sane quisquam Romæ vir- time, that calls for the immediate adoption of tute magnus fuit."

this measure? Are the Gauls at the gates of Of this quotation, I will, as they sometimes the Capitol? If they are, the cacklings of the say in parliament, for the benefit of the country- Capitoline geese will hardly save it. What is gentlemen, attempt a translation. “But, after there to induce us to plunge into the vortex of the state had become corrupted by luxury and those evils so severely felt in Europe from this sloth ”-in the Arabian Nights' Entertainments, very manufacturing and paper policy? For it we are told of one who laid by his sequins in is evident that, if we go into this system of good money, and when he afterwards came to policy, we must adopt the European institutions use them, he found them to be bits of paper, not also. We have very good materials to work worth more than old continental (or Kentucky) with; we have only to make our elective king money—“by luxury and sloth, again the re- president for life, in the first place, and then to public,”—and here I press the comparison, make the succession hereditary in the family " by dint of its own magnitude, its own great- of the first that shall happen to have a promisness, its own vastness, bore up under the faults, ing son. For a king we can be at no losses the vices of its generals, magistrates, and that, quovis ligno"-any block will do for him. The too, as if effete (past bearing), since for a long Senate may, perhaps, be transmuted into a while "-I hope the comparison will not hold house of peers, although we should meet with here—"for a long time scarcely any man had more difficulty than in the other case ; Bonabecome great at Rome by his merit.” So, parte himself was not more hardly put to it, to sir, it is with this republic. It does sustain by recruit the ranks of his mushroom nobility, its greatness and growing magnitude, the follies than we should be to furnish a house of peers. and vices of its magistracy. Had this govern- As for us, we are the faithful commons, ready ment been stationary like any of the old govern- made to hand; but with all our loyalty, I conments of Europe, of the second class, Prussia gratulate the House-I congratulate the nation for instance, or Holland, by the political evolu- -that, although this body is daily degraded tions of the last thirty years, I might say the last by the sight of members of Congress manufactwelve years, it would have sunk into insignifi- tured into placemen, we have not yet reached cance and debility; and it is only upon this re- sach a point of degradation as to suffer execusourse, the increasing greatness of this republic, tive minions to be manufactured into members that the blunderers who plunge blindfold into of Congress. We have shut that door; I wish schemes like this, can rely for any possibility of we could shut the other also. I wish we could salvation from the effects of their own rash, un- have a perpetual call of the House in this view, digested measures. It is true that the race is not and suffer no one to get out from its closed to the swift, nor the battle to the strong; and else- doors. The time is peculiarly inauspicious for where than in the republic of Romo, and of other the change in our policy which is proposed by times than the days of Catiline, it may be said, this bill. We are on the eve of an election that “Haud sane quisque virtute magnus est.”

promises to be the most distracted that this nation has ever yet undergone. It may turn

out to a Polish ele At such a time, “ 'Tis not in mortals to command success! But do you more, Sempronius!—don't deserve it,

ought any measure to be brought forward which and take my word you won't have any less;

is supposed to be capable of being demonstrated Be wary, watch the time, and always serve it: to be extremely injurious to one great portion

of this country, and beneficial in proportion to and cries, with the clown in King Lear, “Down, another ? Sufficient for the day is the evil wantons, down." There is but one portion of thereof. There are firebrands enough in the the country which can profit by this bill, and land, without this apple of discord being cast from that portion of the country comes this into this assembly. Suppose this measure is bare majority in favor of it. I bless God that not what it is represented to be; that the fears Massachusetts and old Virginia are once again of the South are altogether illusory and vision- rallying under the same banner, against oppresary; that it will produce all the good predicted sive and unconstitutional taxation; for, if all of it-an honorable gentleman from Kentucky the blood be drawn from out the body, I care said yesterday—and I was sorry to bear it, for not whether it be by the British parliament or I have great respect for that gentleman, and the American Congress; by an emperor or a for other gentlemen from that State-that the abroad, or by a president at home. question was not whether a bare majority should Under these views, and with feelings of morpass the bill, but whether the majority or mi- tification and shame at the very weak opposinority should rule. The gentleman is wrong, tion I have been able to make to this bill, I and, if he will consider the matter rightly, he entreat gentlemen to consent that it may lie will see it. Is there no difference between the over, at least, until the next session of Congress. patient and the actor? We are passive; we do We have other business to attend to, and our not call them to act or to suffer, but we call upon families and our affairs need our attention at them not so to act as that we must necessarily home; and indeed, I, sir, would not give one suffer; and I venture to say, that in any gov- farthing for any man who prefers being here to ernment, properly constituted, this very con- being at home; who is a good public man and sideration would operate conclusively, that if a bad private one. With these views and feel. the burden is to be laid on 102, it ought not to ings, I move you, sir, that the bill be indefinitely be laid by 105. We are the eel that is being postponed. flayed, while the cook-maid pats us on the head,



The following speech, on the second resolu- | ocean of our foreign concerns, involving every tion reported by the Committee of Foreign consideration of interest, of right, of happiness Relations: That an additional force of ten all that is dear to freemen,

and of safety at home; touching, in every point,

“their lives, their thousand regular troops ought to be imme- fortunes, and their sacred honor,” can be tied diately raised to serve for three years; and that down by the narrow rules of technical routine. a bounty in lands ought to be given to encou

The committee of foreign relations have, rage enlistments, was delivered by Mr. Ran- indeed, decided that the subject of arming


militia, (which has been pressed upon them as dolph in the House of Representatives of the indispensable to the public security,) does not United States, on the tenth of December, come within the scope of their authority. On 1811:

what ground, I have been and still am unable

to see, they have felt themselves authorized to MR. SPEAKER: This is a question, as it has recommend the raising of standing armies, with been presented to this House, of peace or war. a view, (as has been declared,) of immediate war In that light it has been argued; in no other —a war not of defence, but of conquest, of light can I consider it, after the declarations aggrandizement, of ambition—a war, foreign to made by members of the committee of foreign the interests of this country; to the interests relations. Without intending any disrespect to of humanity itself. the chair, I must be permitted to say, that if I know not how gentlemen, calling themselves the decision yesterday was correct," that it was republicans, can advocate such a war. What was not in order to advance any arguments against their doctrine in 1798-9, when the command of the resolution, drawn from topics before other the army, that highest of all possible trusts in any committees of the House," the whole debate, government, be the form what it may, was renay, the report itself

, on which we are acting, posed in the bosom of the father of his country is disorderly; since the increase of the military -the sanctuary of a nation's love—the only force is a subject, at this time, in agitation by a hope that never came in vain! When other select committee, raised on that branch of the worthies of the revolution—Hamilton, Pinckney, President's message. But it is impossible that and the younger Washington, men of tried the discussion of a question, broad as the wide patriotism, of approved conduct and valor, of

untarnished honor, held subordinate command The resolutions were reported on the twenty-ninth of ander him. Republicans were then unwilling November, 1811.

to trust a standing army even to his hands, who

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