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had given proof that he was above all human the United States from Spanish inroad and intemptation. Where now is the revolutionary sult, and to chastise the same.” Mr. Randolph hero, to whom you are about to confide this
then proceeded :* sacred trust? To whom will you confide the charge of leading the flower of our youth to
The peculiar situation of the frontier, at that the heights of Abraham? Will you find bim time insulted, alone induced the committee to in the person of an acquitted felon? What! recommend the raising of regular troops. It then
you were unwilling to vote an army where was too remote from the population of the such men, as have been named, held high com-country for the militia to act, in repelling and mand! When Washington himself was at the
New Orleans head, did you show such reluctance, feel such and its dependencies were separated by a vast
chastising Spanish incursion. scruples; and are you now nothing loth, fear- extent of wilderness from the settlements of less of every consequence? Will you say that the old United States ; filled with a disloyal yonr provocations were less then than now and turbulent people, alien to our institutions, when your direct commerce was interdicted, language and manners, and disaffected towards your ambassadors hooted with derision from our Government. Little reliance could be the French court, tribute demanded, actual war placed upon them, and it was plain, that if " it waged upon you ?
was the intention of Spain to advance on our Those who opposed the army then were
possessions until she be repulsed by an opposing indeed denounced as the partisans of France ; force," that force must be a regular army, unas the same men, (some of them at least,) are less we were disposed to abandon all the counnow held up as the advocates of England: try south of Tennessee ; that "the protection those firm and undeviating republicans, who of our citizens, and the spirit and the honor of then dared, and now dare, to cling to the ark our country required that force should be interof the constitution, to defend it even at the ex- posed.” Nothing remained but for the legispense of their fame, rather than surrender lature to grant the only practicable means, or themselves to the wild projects of mad ambition. to shrink from the most sacred of all its duties; There is a fatality attending plenitude of power. to abandon the soil and its inhabitants to the Soon or late, some mania seizes upon its pos- mercy of hostile invaders. sessors; they fall from the dizzy height through
Yet this report, moderate as it was, was giddiness. Like a vast estate, heaped up by the deemed of too strong a character by the House. labor and industry of one man, which seldom It was rejected, and, at the motion of a gentlesurvives the third generation; power, gained man from Massachusetts, (Mr. Bidwell, who by patient assiduity, by a faithful and regular has since taken a great fancy also to Canada, discharge of its attendant duties, soon gets and marched off thither, in advance of the above its own origin. Intoxicated with their committee of foreign relations,)“ two millions own greatness, the federal party fell. Will not of dollars were appropriated towards," (not in the same causes produce the same effects now full of,) “any extraordinary expense which as then? Sir, you may raise this army, you might be incurred in the intercourse between may build up this vast structure of patronage ; the United States and foreign nations;" in but “lay not the flattering unction to your other words, to buy off, at Paris, Spanish agsouls,” you will never live to enjoy the succes- gressions at home. sion. You sign your political death warrant.
Was this fact_given in evidence of our im
partiality towards the belligerents? That to Mr. Randolph here adverted to the provoca- the insults and injuries and actual invasion of tion to hostilities from shutting up the Missis one of them, we opposed not bullets, but dolsippi by Spain, in 1803 ; but more fully to the lars; that to Spanish invaston we opposed
money, whilst for British aggression on the conduct of the House in 1805–6, under the high seas we had arms-offensive war? But strongest of all imaginable provocations to war Spain was then shielded, as well as instigated, —the actual invasion of our country. He read by a greater power. Hence our respect for her. various passages from the President's public done in defence of our rights, of the “natale
Had we at that time acted as we ought to have message of Dec. 3d, 1805, in which he detailed solum” itself
, we should, i feel confident, have the injuries and insults which had been received avoided that series of insult, disgrace and infrom Spain. Mr. Randolph then referred to a jury, which has been poured out upon us in subsequent message of the President upon the long, unbroken succession. We would not then
raise a small regular force for a country, where same subject, and read the report of the com- the militia could not act, to defend our own mittee to whom the message was referred, re- territory; now we are willing to levy a great prehending, in strong terms, the conduct of army, for great it must be to accomplish the Spain, and recommending the passage of
proposed object, for a war of conquest and am.
bition; and this, too, at the very entrance of making provision for raising a sufficient number of troops “to protect the southern frontier of
* History of the 12th Congress, 1st session, page 442.
the “northern hive," of the strongest part of I cannot refrain from smiling at the liberality the Union.
of the gentleman, in giving Canada to New An insinuation has fallen from the gentleman York, in order to strengthen the northern from Tennessee, (Mr. Grundy,) that the late balance of power; while, at the same time, he massacre of our brethren on the Wabash was forewarns her, that the western scale must preinstigated by the British government. Has the ponderate. I can almost fancy that I see the President given any such information? Is it so capitol in motion towards the falls of Ohio; believed by the administration? I have cause after a short sojonrn, taking its flight to the to believe the contrary to be the fact; that such Mississippi, and finally alighting on Darien; is not their opinion. This insinuation is of the which, when the gentleman's dreams are regrossest kind—a presumption the most rash; alized, will be a most eligible seat of governthe most unjustifiable. Show but good ground ment for the new republic, (or empire,) of the for it, I will give up the question at the thres- two Americas! But it seems that " in 1808 we hold. I will be ready to march to Canada. It talked and acted foolishly," and to give some is, indeed, well calculated to excite the feelings color of consistency to that folly, we must now of the western people particularly, who are not commit a greater. Really, I cannot conceive quite so tenderly attached to our red brethren of a weaker reason offered in support of a as some of our modern philosophers; but it is present measure, than the justification of a destitute of any foundation, beyond mere sur- former folly. I hope we shall act a wise part; mise and suspicion. What would be thought, take warning by our follies, since we have if, without any proof whatsoever, a member become sensible of them, and resolve to talk should rise in his place and tell us, that the and act foolishly no more. It is, indeed, high massacre in Savannah—a massacre perpetrated time to give over such preposterous language by civilized savages with French commissions and proceedings. in their pockets, was excited by the French This war of conquest, a war for the acquisigovernment? There is an easy and natural tion of territory and subjects, is to be a new solution of the late transaction on the Wabash, commentary on tho doctrine, that republicans in the well-known character of the aboriginal are destitute of ambition; that they are adsavage of North America, without resorting to dicted to peace, wedded to the happiness and any such mere conjectural estimate. I am safety of the great body of their people. But sorry to say, that, for this signal calamity and it seems, this is to be a holiday campaign: there disgrace, the House is, in part at least, answer is to be no expense of blood or treasure, on able. Session after session, our table has been our part; Canada is to conquer herself; she is piled up with Indian treaties, for which the to be subdued by the principles of fraternity! appropriations have been voted as a matter of The people of that country are first to be secourse, without examination. Advantage has duced from their allegiance, and converted into been taken of the spirit of the Indians, broken traitors, as preparatory to making them good by the war which ended in the treaty of Gren- citizens! Although I must acknowledge that ville. Under the ascendency then acquired some of our flaming patriots were thus manuover them, they have been pent up by subse- factured, I do not think the process would hold quent treaties, into nooks; straitened in their good with a whole community. It is a dangerquarters by a blind cupidity, seeking to extin- ous experiment. We are to succeed in the guish their title to immense wildernesses for French mode, by the system of fraternization which, (possessing, as we do already, more land -all is French! But how dreadfully it might than we can sell or use,) we shall not have be retorted on the southern and western slaveoccasion, for half a century to come. It is our holding States. I detest this subornation of own thirst for territory, our own want of mod- treason. No; if we must have them, let them eration, that has driven these sons of nature fall by the valor of our arms; by fair legitimate to desperation, of which we feel the effects. conquest; not become the victims of treache
Although not personally acquainted with the rous seduction. late Colonel Daveiss, I feel
, I am persuaded, as I am not surprised at the war-spirit which deep and serious regret for his loss as the gen- is manifesing itself in gentlemen from the South. tleman from Tennessee himself. I know him in the year 1805-6, in a struggle for the carryonly through the representation of a friend of ing trade of belligerent-colonial produce, this the deceased, (Mr. Rowan,) some time a mem- country was most unwisely brought into collision ber of this House : a man, who, for native force with the great powers of Europe. By a series of intellect, manliness of character, and high of most impolitic and ruinous measures, utterly sense of honor, is not inferior to any that have incomprehensible to every rational, sober-mindever sat here. With him I sympathise in the ed man, the southern planters, by their own severest calamity that could befall a man of his votes, have succeeded in knocking down the cast and character. Would to God, they were price of cotton to seven cents, and of tobacco, both now on this floor. From my personal (a few choice crops excepted,) to nothing; and knowledge of the one, I feel confident that I in raising the price of blankets, (of which a should have his support and I believe (judging few would not be amiss in a Canadian camof him from the representation of our common paign,) coarse woollens, and every article of friend) of the other also.
first necessity, three or four hundred per centum.
And now that, by our own acts, we have I ask what reparation or atonement they can brought ourselves into this unprecedented expect to obtain in hours of future dalliance, condition, we must get out of it in any way, after they shall have made a tender of their but by an acknowledgment of our own want person to this great deflowerer of the virginity of wisdom and forecast. But is war the true of republics? We have by our own wise (I remedy? Who will profit by it? Speculators; will not say wiseacre) measures, so increased a few lucky merchants who draw prizes in the the trade and wealth of Montreal and Quebec, lottery; commissaries and contractors. Who that at last we begin to cast a wishful eye at must suffer by it? The people. It is their Canada. Having done so much towards its blood, their taxes, that must flow to support it. improvement, by the exercise of “our restric
But gentlemen avowed, that they would not tive energies," we begin to think the laborer go to war for the carrying trade; that is, for worthy of his hire, and to put in claim for our any other but the direct export and import portion. Suppose it ours, are we any nearer trade; that which carries our native products to our point? As his minister said to the king abroad, and brings back the return cargo; and of Epirus, "may we not as well take our bottle yet they stickle for our commercial rights, and of wine before as after this exploit? Go! march will go to war for them! I wish to know, in to Canada! leave the broad bosom of the Chespoint of principle, what difference gentlemen apeake and her hundred tributary rivers; the can point out between the abandonment of this whole line of sea-coast from Machias to St. or of that maritime right? Do gentlemen Mary's, unprotected! You have taken Quebec assume the lofty port and tone of chivalrous —have you conquered England ? redressers of maritime wrongs, and declare seek for the deep foundations of her power in their readiness to surrender every other mari- the frozen deserts of Labrador? time right, provided they may remain unmo
“Her march is on the mountain wave, lested in the exercise of the humble privilege
Her home is on the deep !” of carrying their own produce abroad, and bringing back a return cargo? Do you make Will you call upon her to leave your ports this declaration to the enemy at the outset? and harbors untouched, only just till you can Do you state the minimum with which you will return from Canada, to defend them? The be contented, and put it in their power to close coast is to be left defenceless, whilst men of with your proposals at their option; give her the interior are revelling in conquest and spoil. the basis of a treaty ruinous and disgraceful But grant for a moment, for mere argument's beyond example and expression? And this, sake, that in Canada you touched the sinews of too, after having turned up your noses in dis- her strength, instead of removing a clog upon dain at the treaties of Mr. Jay and Mr. Monroe! her resources an incumbrance, but one, which, Will you say to England, “ end the war when from a spirit of honor, she will vigorously deyou please, give us the direct trade in our own fend. In what situation would you then place produce, we are content?" But what will the some of the best men of the nation? As Chat merchants of Salem, and Boston, and New ham and Burke, and the whole band of her York, and Philadelphia, and Baltimore, the men patriots, prayed for her defeat in 1776, so must of Marblehead and Cape Cod say to this? Will some of the truest friends of their country they join in a war, professing to have for its deprecate the success of our arms against the object, what they would consider, (and justly only power that holds in check the arch-enemy too,) as the sacrifice of their maritime rights, of mankind. yet affecting to be a war for the protection of The committee have outstripped the execucommerce?
tive. In designating the power, against whom I am gratified to find gentlemen acknowledg- this force is to be employed, as has most unading the demoralizing and destructive conse-visedly been done in the preamble or manifesto quences of the non-importation law; confessing with which the resolutions are prefaced, they the truth of all that its opponents foretold, have not consulted the views of the executive, when it was enacted. And will you plunge that designation is equivalent to an abandonyourselves in war, because you have passed a ment of all our claims on the French governfoolish and ruinous law, and are ashamed to ment. No sooner was the report laid on the repeal it? “But our good friend, the French table, than the vultures were flocking round emperor, stands in the way of its repeal, and as their prey—the carcass of a great military we cannot go too far in making sacrifices to establishment. Men of tainted reputation, of him, who has given such demonstration of his broken fortune, (if they ever had any,) and of love for the Americans, we must, in point of battered constitutions, "choice spirits tired of fact, become parties to his war. Who can be the dull pursuits of civil life," were seeking so cruel as to refuse him that favor?” My im- after agencies and commissions, willing to doze agination shrinks from the miseries of such a in gross stupidity over the public fire; to light connection. I I call upon the House to reflect, the public candle at both ends. Honorable whether they are not about to abandon all re- men undoubtedly there are, ready to serve their clamation for the unparalleled outrages, “in-country; but what man of spirit, or of selfsults and injuries” of the French government; respect, will accept a commission in the present to give up our claim for plundered millions, and I army?
The gentleman from Tennessee, Mr. Grundy, and that spot unhappily governed the whole addressed himself yesterday, exclusively to the State of Maryland. His friend, the late Gov“republicans of the House." I know not whether I may consider myself as entitled to
ernor of Maryland, Mr. Lloyd, at the very time any part of the benefit of the honorable gen- he was bringing his warlike resolutions before tleman's discourse. It belongs not, however, the legislature of the State, was liable on any to that gentleman to decide. If we must have night to be taken out of his bed and carried off an exposition of the doctrines of republicanism, with bis family, by the most contemptible picaI shall receive it from the fathers of the church, and not from the junior apprentices of the law. roon. Such was the situation of many a family I shall appeal to my worthy friends from Caro- in Maryland, and lower Virginia. lina, Messrs. Macon and Stanford, “men with whom I have measured my strength,” by whose Permit me now, sir, to call your attention to side I have fought during the reign of terror; the subject of our black population. I will touch for it was indeed an hour of corruption, of op- this subject as tenderly as possible. It is with pression, of pollution. It is not at all to my reluctance that I touch it at all; but in cases of taste—that sort of republicanism which was great emergency, the state physician must not supported, on this side of the Atlantic, by the be deterred by a sickly, hysterical humanity, father of the sedition law, John Adams, and by from probing the wound of his patient; he must Peter Porcupine on the other. Republicanism! not be rithheld by a fastidious and 'mistaken of John Adams and William Cobbett! “Par delicacy from representing his true situation to nobile fratrum,” now united as in 1798, whom his friends, or even to the sick man himself, the cruel walls of Newgate alone keep from when the occasion calls for it. What is the flying to each other's embrace—but whom, in situation of the slaveholding States? During sentiment, it is impossible to divide. Gallant the war of the Revolution, so fixed were their crusaders in the holy cause of republicanism! habits of subordination, that while the whole Such “republicanism does, indeed, mean any country was overrun by the enemy, who invited thing or nothing."
them to desert, no fear was ever entertained of Our people will not submit to be taxed for an insurrection of the slaves. During a war of this war of conquest and dominion. The gov- seven years, with our country in possession of ernment of the United States was not calculated the enemy, no such danger was ever appreto wage offensive foreign war; it was instituted hended. But should we, therefore, be unobfor the common defence and general welfare; servant spectators of the progress of society and whosoever should embark it in a war of within the last twenty years; of the silent, but offence, would put it to a test which it is by no powerful change wrought, by time and chance, means calculated to endure. Make it out that upon its composition and temper? When the Great Britain has instigated the Indians on a fountains of the great deep of abomination were late occasion, and I am ready for battle ; but broken up, even the poor slaves did not escape not for dominion. I am unwilling, however, the general deluge. The French revolution has under present circumstances, to take Canada, polluted even them. Nay, there have not been at the risk of the constitution, to embark in a wanting men in this House: witness our legiscommon cause with France, and be dragged at lative Legendre, the butcher who once held a the wheels of the car of some Burr or Bona- seat here, to preach upon this floor these imparte. For a gentleman from Tennessee, or prescriptible rights to a crowded audience of Genesee, or Lake Champlain, there may be blacks in the galleries: teaching them that they some prospect of advantage. Their hemp would are equal to their masters; in other words adbear a great price by the exclusion of foreign vising them to cut their throats. Similar docsupply. In that, too, the great importers are trines have been disseminated by pedlars from deeply interested. The upper country on the New England and elsewhere, throughout the Hudson and the lakes would be enriched by the southern country; and masters have been found supplies for the troops, which they alone could so infatuated, as by their lives and conversation, furnish. They would have the exclusive mar- by a general contempt of order, morality, and ket: to say nothing of the increased preponder- religion, unthinkingly to cherish these seeds ance from the acquisition of Canada and that of self-destruction to them and their families. section of the Union which the Southern and What has been the consequence? Within the Western States have already felt so severely in last ten years, repeated alarms of insurrection the apportionment bill.
among the slaves : some of them awful indeed.
From the spreading of this infernal doctrine, Mr. Randolph here adverted to the defence-into a state of insecurity. Men dead to the
the whole southern country has been thrown less state of the sea-ports, and particularly of the operation of moral causes, have taken away Chesapeake, and observed, that there was but a from the poor slave his habits of loyalty and single spot on either shore, which could be con-obedience to his master, which lightened his sidered in tolerable security, from the nature of servitude by a double operation ; beguiling his
own cares and disarming his master's suspicions the port and the strength of the population- and severity; and now, like true empirics in politics, you are called upon to trust to the mere are welcome to our arms. With chiefs of ban. physical strength of the fetter which holds him ditti, negro, or mulatto, we can treat and can in bondage. You have deprived him of all trade. Name, however, but England, and all moral restraint; you have tempted him to eat our antipathies are up in arms against her. of the fruit of the tree of knowledge, just enough Against whom? Against those whose blood to perfect him in wickedness; you have opened runs in our veins: in common with whom we his eyes to his nakedness ; you have armed his claim Shakspeare, and Newton, and Chatham, nature against the hand that has fed, that has for our countrymen : whose form of governclothed him, that has cherished him in sickness; ment is the freest on earth, our own only exthat hand, which before he became a pupil of cepted: from whom every valuable principle your school, he had been accustomed to press of our own institutions has been borrowedwith respectful affection. You have done all representation, jury trial, voting the supplies, this and then show him the gibbet and the writ of habeas corpus, our whole civil and wheel, as incentives to a sullen, repugnant obe- criminal jurisprudence---against our fellow Prodience. God forbid, sir, that the Southern States testants, identified in blood, in language, in reshould ever see an enemy on their shores, with ligion, with ourselves. In what school did the these infernal principles of French fraternity in worthies of our land, the Washingtons, Henrys, the van. While talking of taking Canada, some Hancocks, Franklins, Rutledges of America, of us are shuddering for our own safety at home. learn those principles of civil liberty which I speak from facts, when I say, that the night were so nobly asserted by their wisdom and bell never tolls for fire in Richmond, that the valor? American resistance to British usurpamother does not hug her infant more closely to tion has not been more warmly cherished by her bosom. I have been a witness of some of these great men and their compatriots; not the alarms in the capital of Virginia.
more by Washington, Hancock, and Henry, than How have we shown our sympathy with the by Chatham and his illustrious associates in the patriots of Spain, or with the American prov- British Parliament. It ought to be remembered, inces? By seizing on one of them, her claim to too, that the heart of the English people was which we had formerly respected, as soon as
with us. It was a selfish and corrupt ministry, the parent country was embroiled at home. Is and their servile tools, to whom we were not it thus we yield them assistance against the more opposed than they were. I trust that arch-fiend who is grasping at the sceptre of the none such may ever exist among us; for tools civilized world? The object of France is as will never be wanting to subserve the purposes, much Spanish-American as old Spain herself. however ruinous or wicked, of kings and minisMuch as I hate a standing army, I could almost ters of state. find it in my heart to vote one, could it be sent I acknowledge the influence of a Shakspeare to the assistance of the Spanish patriots. and a Milton upon my imagination, of a Locke
upon my understanding, of a Sidney upon my Mr. Randolph then proceeded to notice the political principles, of a Chatham upon qualities unjust and illiberal imputation of British attach- which, would to God, I possessed in common
with that illustrious man! of a Tillotson, a ments, against certain characters in this country, Sherlock and a Porteus upon my religion. This sometimes insinuated in that House, but openly is a British influence which I can never shake avowed out of it.
off. I allow much to the just and honest pre
judices growing out of the Revolution. But Against whom are these charges brought ? | by whom have they been suppressed, when they Against men who, in the war of the revolution, ran counter to the interests of my country? By were in the councils of the nation, or fighting Washington. By whom, would you listen to the battles of your country. And by whom are them, are they most keenly felt? By felons they made? By runaways, chiefly from the escaped from the jails of Paris, Newgate and British dominions, since the breaking out of the Kilmainham, since the breaking out of the French troubles. It is insufferable. It cannot French revolution; who, in this abused and inbe borne. It must and ought, with severity to sulted country, have set up for political teachers, be put down in this House; and out of it to and whose disciples give no other proof of their meet the lie direct. We have no fellow-feeling progress in republicanism, except a blind devo. for the suffering and oppressed Spaniards! Yet tion to the most ruthless military despotism that even them we do not reprobate. Stranger that the world ever saw. These are the patriots who we should have no objection to any other peo- scruple not to brand with the epithet of tory, ple or government, civilized or savage, in the the men, (looking towards the seat of Col. whole world! The great autocrat of all the Stewart,) by whose blood your liberties have Russias, receives the homage of our high con- been cemented. These are they, who hold in sideration. The Dey of Algiers and his divan such keen remembrance the outrages of the of pirates, are a very civil, good sort of people, British armies, from which many of them are with whom we find no difficulty in maintaining deserters. Ask these self-styled patriots where the relations of peace and amity. “Turks, Jews, they were during the American war, (for they and Infidels," Melimelli or the Little Turtle : are, for the most part, old enough to have barbarians and savages of every clime and color, l borne arms,) and you strike them dumb; their