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lips are closed in eternal silence. If it were al- | ing fortunes of civilization, had, no doubt, his lowable to entertain partialities, every consid- advocates, his tools, his minions, his parasites in eration of blood, language, religion and interest, the very countries that he overrun; sons of that would incline us towards England: and yet, soil, whereon his horse had trod; where grass shall they be alone extended to France and her could never after grow. If perfectly fresh, inruler, whom we are bound to believe a chasten: stead of being as I am, my memory clouded, ing God suffers as the scourge of a guilty world! my intellect stupefied, my strength and spirits On all other nations he tramples; he holds exhausted, I could not give utterance to that them in contempt; England alone he hates; strong detestation which I feel towards (above he would, but he cannot despise her; fear can- all other works of the creation) such characters not despise; and shall we disparage our ances- as Gengis, Tamerlane, Kouli-Khan or Bonaparte. tors ? Shall we bastardize ourselves by placing My instincts involuntarily revolt at their bare them even below the brigands of St. Domingo? idea. Malefactors of the human race, who have —with whom Mr. Adams negotiated a sort of ground down man to a mere machine of their treaty, for which he ought to have been, and impious and bloody ambition! Yet ander all would have been impeached, if the people had the accumulated wrongs, and insults, and robbernot previously passed sentence of disqualifica- ies of the last of these chieftains, are we not, in tion for their service upon him. This antipathy point of fact, about to become a party to his to all that is English, must be French.

views, a partner in his wars? But the outrages and injuries of England- But before this miserable force of ten thonbred up in the principles of the revolution, I sand men is raised to take Canada, I beg gencan never palliate, much less defend them. Itlemen to look at the state of defence at home; well remember flying with my mother and her to count the cost of the enterprise before it is new-born child from Arnold and Philips—and set on foot, not when it may be too late ; when we were driven by Tarleton and other British the best blood of the country shall be spilt, and Pandours from pillar to post, while her husband nought but empty coffers left to pay the cost. was fighting the battles of his country. The Are the bounty lands to be given in Canada? impression is indelible on my memory: and It might lessen my repugnance to that part of yet, (like my worthy old neighbor, who added the system, to granting these lands, not to these soven buckshot to every cartridge at the battle miserable wretches who sell themselves to slaof Guilford, and drew a fine sight at his man) very for a few dollars, and a glass of gin, but in I must be content to be called a tory by a pa- fact, to the clerks in our offices, some of whom, triot of the last importation. Let us not get rid with an income of fifteen hundred or two thouof one evil, (supposing it possible,) at the ex- sand dollars, live at the rate of four or five pense of a greater: “mutatis mutandis," suppose thousand, and yet grow rich; who, perhaps at France in possession of the British naval power this moment, are making out blank assignments -and to her the trident must pass, should Eng- for these land rights. land be unable to wield it-what would be your I beseech the House, before they run their condition? What would be the situation of heads against this post, Quebec, to count the your seaports, and their seafaring inhabitants ? cost. My word for it, Virginia planters will not Ask Hamburg, Lubec! Ask Savannah! What! be taxed to support such a war—a war which sir, when their privateers are pent up in our must aggravate their present distresses; in harbors by the British bull-dogs, when they re- which they have not the remotest interest. ceive at our hands every rite of hospitality, Where is the Montgomery, or even the Arnold, from which their enemy is excluded; when or the Burr, who is to march to the Point they capture in our own waters, interdicted Levi? to British armed ships, American vessels; when I call upon those professing to be republicans, such is their deportment towards you, under to make good the promises held out by their such circumstances; what could you expect if republican predecessors, when they came into they were the uncontrolled lords of the ocean? power; promises which, for years afterwards, Had those privateers at Savannah borne British they honestly, faithfully fulfilled. We have commissions; or had your shipments of cotton, vaunted of paying off the national debt; of tobacco, ashes and what not, to London and retrenching useless establishments; and yet Liverpool, been confiscated, and the proceeds have now become as infatuated with standing poured into the English exchequer-my life armies, loans, taxes, navies and war, as ever upon it, you would never have listened to any were the Essex Junto. What republicanism is miserable wire-drawn distinctions between this ? "orders and decrees affecting our neutral rights,” and “municipal decrees," confiscating Mr. Randolph apologized for his very desulin mass your whole property: you would have tory manner of speaking. He regretted that had instant war! The whole land would have his bodily indisposition had obliged him to blazed out in war.

And shall republicans become the instruments talk perhaps sometimes wildly; yet he trusted of him who has effaced the title of Attila to the some method would be found in his madness. "scourge of God!" Yet, even Attila, in the fall

AN EXTRACT.

66

The talent for government lies in these two shows this; but great logicians and great things-sagacity to perceive, and decision to scholars are, for that very reason, unfit to be act. Genuine statesmen were never made such rulers. Would Hannibal have crossed the Alps, by mere training; “nascuntur non fiunt:" when there were no roads—with elephants—in education will form good business men. The the face of the warlike and hardy mountainmaxim,“nascitur non fit," is as true of states-eers, and have carried terror to the very men as it is of poets. Lét a house be on fire, gates of Rome, if his youth had been spent in you will soon see in that confusion who has the poring over books ? Would he have been able talent to command. Let a ship be in danger at to maintain himself on the resources of his own sea, and ordinary subordination be destroyed, genius for sixteen years in Italy, in spite of and you will immediately make the same dis- faction and treachery in the Senate of Carthage, covery. The ascendency of mind and of cha- if he had been deep in conic sections and fluxracter rises and rises as naturally and as inevi- ions, and the differential calculus, to say nothing tably where there is fair play for it, as material of botany and mineralogy, and chemistry? bodies find their level by gravitation. Thus, a “ Are you not ashamed,” said a philosopher to great logician, like a certain animal, oscillating one who was born to rule ; are you not between the hay on different sides of him, ashamed to play so well upon the flute ?” Sir, wants some power from without before he can it was well put. There is much which becomes decide from which bundle to make trial. Who a secondary man to know much that it is nebelieves that Washington could write a good cessary for him to know, that a first-rate man book or report as Jefferson, or make an able ought to be ashamed to know. No head was speech as Hamilton? Who is there that believes ever clear and sound that was stuffed with that Cromwell would have made as good a book learning. You might as well attempt to judge as Lord Hale? No, sir; these learned fatten and strengthen a man by stuffing him and accomplished men find their proper place with every variety and the greatest quantity of under those who are fitted to command, and to food. After all, the chief must draw upon his command them among the rest. Such a man subalterns, for much that he does not know and as Washington will say to Jefferson, do you be- cannot perform himself. come my Secretary of State; to Hamilton, do you take charge of my purse, or that of the From Mr. Randolph's speech on Retrenchment, deliver. nation, which is the same thing; and to Knox, ed in the House of Representatives of the United States, on do you be my master of horse. All history the first day of February, 1828.

WILLIAM B. GILES.

WILLIAM B. GILES was born in Amelia County, Virginia, on the twelfth of August, 1762. Of his early years little is known. He acquired his classical education under the guidance of Samuel Stanhope Smith, LL.D., an eminent divine, and for several years the President of Princeton College, and studied law with the celebrated George Wythe of Williamsburg, in his native State. After practising at Petersburg a few years, and finding the profession unsuited to his inclinations, he abandoned it and entered the arena of politics, in which he soon became distinguished. In August, 1790, he was elected to the House of Representatives of the United States for an unexpired term, and continued in that body by re-election until the second day of October, 1798, when he resigned and returned to Virginia. During the discussion of the bill relating to the establishment of the United States Bank, in December, 1790, Mr. Giles first gave evidence of his extraordinary abilities as a debater. He opposed the measure, as unnecessary and unconstitutional, in an able and eloquent speech. With Madison and Gallatin, and in conformity with the opinions of a majority of his constituents who were of the democratic party, he resisted the passage of the laws necessary for carrying into effect the treaty of 1794, between Great Britain and the United States. His speech on this subject, which is considered as one of his ablest efforts, will be found in the selections in this volume.

A short time subsequent to his retirement from Congress, in 1798, he was chosen to represent his native county in the House of Delegates of Virginia, and continued in that office until 1800, when he was again elected to the lower House of Congress. At this time he had become one of the most conspicuous members of the democratic party, and in all the measures originated during the sessions of 1800, 1801, 1802, he took an active part. In 1803 he declined a re-election to Congress, and was succeeded by Mr. Eppes. The Executive Council of Virginia, delegated him to the Senate of the United States, in August, 1804. Here he remained until after the close of the second war with Great Britain, in the latter portion of that period, the acknowledged leader of his party in the Senate, and throughout the whole of his career repeatedly distinguishing himself in the debates which arose on the important questions that came before that body.

On the twenty-third of November, 1815, he resigned his seat in the Senate, giving his reasons for that step in the following letter to the Governor of Virginia. A period has at length arrived when our beloved country, after successfully passing through the trials of a just and honorable war, against a powerful nation, is enjoying all the blessings of peace, with the fairest prospects, under the guidance of wise counsels and the divine protection, of their long continuance. This fortunate and happy condition of the country affords me a favorable opportunity of indulging myself in a desire, I have long felt, of retiring altogether to the scenes of domestic life. This consideration however would not, of itself, furnish a sufficient motive to induce me to carry this purpose into effect, during the present senatorial term; but another circumstance has taken place, which I conceive ought to have its influence upon any determination in this respect. In consequence of an absence from home, for a portion of each year, during a period of nearly five-and-twenty years, in which I have been engaged in serving the people in the representative character, my private concerns have become materially deranged; and in my judgment, a strong obligation is therefore imposed on me, to give my personal attention to their establishment. These considerations united, have determined me to withdraw from public service at this time.”

Mr. Giles remained in retirement until the year 1826, when he was again brought forth as a candidate by the people of the county of Amelia, and elected to the House of Delegates. In this assembly he delivered a powerful speech in opposition to the Tariff acts, in reply to Mr. Clay's celebrated speech in Congress of the session of 1823–1824. His correspondence with Mr. Clay, together with a report of his speech on this occasion, was published in 1827. A short time after the publication of that work, he was elevated to the gubernatorial chair of his native State, and held that position until a short time before his death, which took place on the fourth of December, 1830.

No extended biography of him has been published. The laborious author of the Thirty Years View, in referring to his death, speaks of him as one of the most conspicuous in the early annals of Congress. “He had that kind of talent,” he continues, “which is most effective in legislative bodies, and which is so different from set-speaking. He was a debater; and was considered by Mr. Randolph to be in our House of Representatives what Charles Fox was admitted to be in the British House of Commons: the most succomplished debater which his country had ever seen. But their acquired advantages were very different, and their schools of practice very opposite. Mr. Fox perfected himself in the House, speaking on every subject; Mr. Giles, out of the House, by talking to every body. Mr. Fox, a ripe scholar, addicted to literature, and imbued with all the learning of all the classics in all time; Mr. Giles neither read nor studied, but talked incessantly with able men, rather debating with them all the while; and drew from this source of information, and from the ready powers of his mind, the ample means of speaking on every subject with the fulness which the occasion required, the quickness which confounds an adversary, and the effect which a lick in time always produces. He had the kind of talent which was necessary to complete the circle of all sorts of ability which sustained the administration of Mr. Jefferson.” He always exhibited a fondness for controversial discussion, and mingled zealously in the conflicts of party; while he won many admirers, he doubtless made some enemies; but in private society, he was kind, affectionate and estimable.

BRITISH TREATY.

Mr. Giles delivered the following speech, on been refused; not because the call itself conthe British Treaty, in the House of Representa- tained any thing unconstitutional; not because tives of the United States, on the eighteenth of the contents of the papers called for are of such

a nature as to render the disclosure thereof at April, 1796.*

this time improper--neither of these causes

being intimated in the message—but because, Mr. CHAIRMAN: It is much to be regretted principles were advocated by individual gentlethat all the information which could throw light men in the course of the argument inducing the upon the subject of discussion, should not be call, which the President thought not warranted before the committee. A sense of responsibility by the constitution. I do not propose to aniarising from the peculiarly delicate nature of madvert upon the conduct of the executive, in the question, has induced the House to take departing from the resolution itself

, and in every step with more than a common degree of noticing the arguments of individual members; caution. “Before we proceeded to deliberate nor upon any other part of the proceedings of upon the expediency or inexpediency of provid- the executive relative to the call of the House ing for carrying the treaty into effect, we made and his refusal. I only mean to remark, that a request to the President for the papers which being perfectly convinced of the propriety of attended the negotiation. This request has the call itself

, of the utility of the information

embraced by it; and not being satisfied, by the * See introduction to Mr. Gallatin's speech at page arguments of the President, of the propriety ante: See also the speeches of Mr. Ames and Mr. Madison, of witholding the papers called for, I should in the first volume of this work.

myself have been willing to have suspended all

further proceedings respecting the provision for peace, is wholly abandoned, and the value of the treaty, until the papers should be laid before the surrender of the posts very much lessened, the House. I would have firmly placed myself by the annexation of conditions which made no on that ground; and in that position hazarded part of the stipulations of surrender in the treaty my responsibility. The extreme sensibility ex- of peace. The United States are more than cited on the public mind by the agitation of bound to fulfil the article heretofore unfulfilled the treaty question, I had supposed, would have by them; for, instead of continuing the courts furnished an irresistible argument in favor of open for the recovery of debts in the usual way, complying with the request of the House; pro- as was the promise in the treaty of peace, they vided no inconvenience would have attended are made to assume the payment of all debts the disclosure; and in my opinion, under all interests and damages in cases of insolvencies, circumstances of the case, the House would and a mode of adjustment is proposed for have been completely justified in suspending all ascertaining the amount, which furnishes the further proceedings upon the question of pro- greatest latitude for frauds against the United viding for the treaty, until they received that States which could be devised. This will apinformation which they deemed necessary to pear in the further examination of the subject. guide their deliberations. But as the House Hence it is obvious, that the stipulations of the has thought proper to take a different course, treaty abandon the very principle of adjustment and has proceeded to the consideration of he assumed by a gentleman from Connecticut, question, with such lights as they possess, I will Mr. Swift, in replying to a remark to this explain the motives which will probably finally effect, made by a gentleman from Virginia : he influence my vote.

observed, that he believed if an inquiry were to I shall discuss the subject in two points of be made into the first breach of the treaty of view. I will first examine the contents of the peace, it would not issue favorably to the United treaty itself, and then the probable consequences States; and he proceeded to argue upon the of refusing, or of giving it efficacy.

presumption, that the first breach was properly In examining the contents of the instrument imputable to the United States. I think it reitself, I propose to go through it, article by quires very strong' assurances to justify an imarticle, unless the task prescribed to myself putation of this sort against the United States, should exceed the bounds usually allowed to such as I believe the present occasion does not members for the delivery of their sentiments. afford. In the first place, the treaty itself disI shall do this because I wish to treat the sub- avows the imputation; all claims and pretenject with the utmost candor, and to avoid any sions arising from the first breach are disclaimpossible imputation of intending to exhibit the ed; of course it is unnecessary, if not improper, bad, and avoid the good parts of the treaty, if to defend the treaty on a ground disclaimed by any such there are. I mean, however, to state itself. merely the purport of many of the articles, But upon what ground does the gentleman without any animadversion, and to dwell only place his admission of the first breach of the upon such as appear to me to be the most treaty of peace upon the United States? The material.

gentleman denies the uniform construction put The first object of the negotiation respects upon the article for the restoration of certain the inexecution of the treaty of peace.

property which was carried away from the The preamble professes to waive the respec- United States at the close of the war, and astive complaints and pretensions of the parties, serts that the article never was intended to as to the inexecution of the former treaty, and bear that cunstruction. If the gentleman can of course establishes a principe, as the basis of establish his assertion, and extend it to the the present treaty, that either both parties were other article, unfulfilled by Great Britain, he equally culpable or equally blameless, in respect may probably establish his position. to the inexecution of the treaty of peace. I do I will first premise, that if the article does not mean to remark upon the propriety or im- not intend the restoration of property mentionpropriety of this admission on the part of the ed in it, the insertion of it in the treaty is not United States. I will observe, however, and I only unnecessary, but mischievous: as it will think with great force, that the stipulations in necessarily produce embarrassment to the parties the present treaty do not correspond with the to the instrument. principle professed as its basis.

The British army at the termination of the On the part of Great Britain, two articles war, was at New York; the negroes which conhave been unexecuted—the restoration of cer- stitute the species of property in question, were tain property in possession of the British at the in the Southern States, so that if the article close of the war, and the surrender of the does not include the species of property taken Western posts. On the part of the United in the course of the war, and in the possession States, one article is said to remain unfulfilled; of the British at the close of it, it is worse than it respects the promise, that no legal impedi- nonsense. It never could have been supposed, ments should be thrown in the way of the re- that upon the first dawn of peace, the British covery of debts due to British subjects. would have left New York and invaded the

The claim of compensation for the property Southern country, for the purpose of plundering carried away in contravention of the treaty of the inhabitants of their negroes. The peace

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