plicit, not to arm jusqu'à nouvel ordre; repeated what he had said on the 20th April, about the destination of the sailors; and added, that that very day (30th April) M. de Boyne had observed to him, that it might be better to countermand the baking of the biscuit, and meant to give orders accordingly.

APPENDIX II.

CHARACTER of Frederick the Second, King of Prussia, by Sir James Harris, afterward Earl of Malmsbury.

My Lord,

Sir James Harris to the Earl of Suffolk.

Berlin, Monday, 18th March, 1776.

The basis of his Prussian Majesty's conduct, from the time he mounted the throne to this day, seems to have been the considering mankind in general, and particularly those over whom he was destined to reign, as beings created merely to be subservient to his will, and conducive to the carrying into execution whatever might tend to extend his power and augment his dominions. Proceeding on these grounds, he has, all along, been guided by his own judgment alone, without ever consulting any of his ministers or superior officers, not so much from the low opinion he entertains of their abilities, as from a conviction, from his own feelings, that if he employed them otherwise than as simple instruments, they would, in time, assume a will of their own, and, instead of remaining accessories, endeavour to become principals. To persevere in this system, it was necessary for him to divest himself of compassion and remorse; of course, of religion and morality. In the room of the first, he has substituted superstition; in the place of the latter, what is called in France, sentiment; and from hence we may, in some measure, account for that motley composition of barbarity and humanity which so strongly marks his character. I have seen him weep at a tragedy; known him pay as much care to a sick grey-hound as a fond mother could to a favourite child; and yet the next day he has given orders for the devastating a province, or, by a wanton increase of taxes, made a whole district miserable; and, what will perhaps appear still more

extraordinary, contribute to his own brother's death, by continuing to him marks of his displeasure the whole time of his last illness. Again; he is so far from being sanguinary, that he scarcely ever suffers a criminal to be punished capitally, unless for a most notorious offence: yet, the last war, he gave secret orders to several of his army-surgeons, rather to run the risk of a wounded soldier's dying, than, by the amputation of a limb, increase the number and expense of his invalids. Thus, never losing sight of his object, he lays aside all feelings the moment that is concerned; and although, as an individual, he often appears, and really is, humane, benevolent, and friendly; yet, the moment he acts in his royal capacity, these attributes forsake him, and he carries with him, desolation, misery, and persecution, wherever he goes.

From an easy transposition of the same erroneous principle, to the internal government of his dominions, we may easily see why he can never be taught to believe that a large treasure lying dormant in his coffers impoverishes his kingdom; that riches increase by circulation; that trade cannot subsist without reciprocal profit; that monopolies and exclusive grants put a stop to emulation, and, of course, to industry; and, in short, that the real wealth of a sovereign consists in the ease and affluence of his subjects.

These errors, however capital they are, have rather served to augment the misery of those subjects than impede the progress of his own grandeur. If he has failed in small points, resolution and cunning, employed as the occasion required, and always supported by great abilities, have carried him with success through almost every important undertaking he has attempted. We have seen him end a war with almost all the great powers of Europe, by an advantageous peace; and since, we have seen him gain such an ascendancy over those who were his most natural enemies, as to make them contribute to the execution of his ambitious projects.

The gigantic army he maintains, and the wonderful preponderance he bears in Europe, will, in future history, appear incredible. He found, on his father's death, a revenue of 13,000,000 of crowns; a treasure of 16,000,000; no debts; and an army of 50,000 men; and, at the time, this was reckoned the greatest effort of economy. He has now an income of 21,000,000 of crowns; three times that sum, at least, in his coffers; and nearly 200,000 effective men.

He undoubtedly owes this, in a great measure, to his superior talents. Yet, I think we may find another cause, in the character and position of his subjects. In general, they are poor, vain, ignorant, and destitute of principle: had they been rich, his nobility could never have been brought to serve

serve as subaltern officers, with zeal and ardour: their vanity makes them think they see their own greatness in the greatness of their monarch: their ignorance stifles in them every notion of liberty and opposition; and their want of principles makes them ready instruments to execute any orders they receive, without considering whether they are founded on equity or not. His Prussian Majesty has well known, how to take advantage of their character, by keeping them at a most awful distance: they consider a word or a smile from him as a boon; and, by never rewarding them according to their merits, they are taught to believe they have no merit at all. The superior endowments Nature has given him over them, and the pre-eminence he constantly affects, makes them look up to him as a divinity; and, although they feel the rod of iron with which they are governed, yet few repine, and none venture to murmur. At those moments when he lays aside the monarch, and indulges himself in every kind of debauchery that a depraved imagination and worn-out constitution can devise, he never suffers the instruments or partakers of those excesses to have the smallest influence over him: some few he has rewarded, discarded several, but left most of them in the situation he found them.

Having said thus much, it is perhaps less wonderful than it generally appears, that such a sovereign, governing such a people, should have raised to so great a pitch of glory, a country, which, from its geographical position, its climate, and its soil, seems to have been calculated to act a very secondary part amongst the European powers.

END OF THE SECOND VOLUME.

MALLETT, PRINTER, WARDOUR STREET, SOHO, LONDON.