war. To which the only answer he gave me was that their enemies treated them in the same manner, but that, since this was displeasing to me, he would not do anything more to the women, although he would to the men. The next day, at three o'clock in the afternoon, we arrived before the fort of their enemies, where the savages made some skirmishes with each other, although our design was not to disclose ourselves until the next day, which however the impatience of our savages would not permit, both on account of their desire to see fire opened upon their enemies, and also that they might rescue some of their own men who had become too closely engaged, and were hotly pressed. Then I approached the enemy, and although I had only a few men, yet we showed them what they had never seen nor heard before; for, as soon as they saw us and heard the arquebus shots and the balls whizzing in their ears, they withdrew speedily to their fort, carrying the dead and ture of Cham- wounded in this charge. We also withdrew to our main plain firing his arquebus, body, with five or six wounded, one of whom died. In the origi nal there is a capital pic or rude gun. For the purpose of setting fire to the fort. This done, we withdrew to the distance of cannon range, out of sight of the enemy, but contrary to my advice and to what they [the Indian allies] had promised me. . . . . the greater part of the savages began to carry wood against the palisades, but in so small quantity that the fire could have no great effect. There also arose such disorder among them that one could not understand another, which greatly troubled me. In vain did I shout in their ears and remonstrate to my utmost with them as to the danger to which they exposed themselves by their bad behavior, but on account of the great noise they made they heard nothing. Seeing that shouting would only burst my head, and that my remonstrances were useless for putting a stop to the disorder, I did nothing more, but determined together with my men to do what we could, and fire upon such as we could see. Meanwhile the enemy profited by our disorder to get water and pour it so abundantly that you would have said brooks were flowing through their spouts, the result of which was that the fire was instantly extinguished, while they did not cease shooting their arrows, which fell upon us like hail. But the men on the cavalier [rampart] killed and maimed many. We were engaged in this combat about three hours, in which two of our chiefs and leading warriors were wounded, namely, one called Ochateguain and another Orani, together with some fifteen common warriors. The others, seeing their men and some of the chiefs wounded, now began to talk of a retreat without farther fighting, in expectation of the five hundred men, whose arrival could not be much delayed. Thus they retreated, a disorderly rabble. Moreover the chiefs have in fact no absolute control over their men, who are governed by their own will and follow their own fancy, which is the cause of their disorder and the ruin of all their undertakings; for, having determined upon anything with their leaders, it needs only the whim of a villain, or nothing at all, to lead them to break it off and form a new plan. Thus there is no concert of action among them, as can be seen by this expedition. Now we withdrew into our fort . . . and . . . it was not possible to return again against their enemies, as I told them it was their duty to do.. E. F. Slafter, editor, Voyages of Samuel de Champlain (translated by Charles Pomeroy Otis, in Prince Society, Publications, Boston, 1882), III, 111-134 passim. By JOHN EVELYN (1620-1706), a man intimate with many distinguished contemporaries, a type of an accom plished and public-spirited gentleman of the seventeenth diary is one of the best mirrors of the period, and illustrates the life of gentle CHAPTER II-CONDITIONS OF 7. SETTLEMENT Life in England (1652-1668) MARCH ARCH 6 [1652]. Saw the magnificent funeral of erset House to Westm' [Westminster], accompanied with divers regiments of souldiers horse and foote; then marched ye mourners, Gen'. Cromwell (his father-in-law), his mockparliament-men, officers, and 40 poore men in gownes, 3 led horses in housings of black cloth, 2 led in black velvet, century. His and his charging-horse all cover'd over with embrodery and gold on crimson velvet; then the guydons [flags], ensignes, 4 heraulds carrying the armes of the State (as they cal'd it), namely, ye red crosse and Ireland, with the casq[ue], wreath, sword, spurrs, &c.; next, a chariot canopied of black velvet and 6 horses, in which was the corps[e]; the pall held up by the mourners on foote; the mace and sword, with other marks of his charge in Ireland (where he died of ye plague), carried before in black scarfs. Thus in a grave pace, drums cover'd with cloth, souldiers reversing their armes, they proceeded through the streetes in a very solemn manner. men, like Winthrop and Penn, who came to America. For an earlier description of England, see Contemporaries, I, No.44. "Mockparliament 10 May. Passing by Smithfield I saw a miserable creature burning who had murder'd her husband. I went to see some workmanship of that admirable artist Reeves, famous for perspective and turning curiosities in ivorie. . . . II [June]. ... The weather being hot, and having sent my man on before, I rod[e] negligently under favour of the shade, till within three miles of Bromley, at a place call'd the Procession Oake, two cut-throates started out, and striking with long staves at ye horse and taking hold of the reines threw me downe, tooke my sword, and haled me into a deepe thickett some quarter of a mile from the highway, where they might securely rob me, as they soone did. What they got of money was not considerable, but they took two rings, the one an emerald with diamonds, the other an onyx, and a pair of bouckles set with rubies and diamonds, which were of value, and after all bound my hands behind me, and my feete, having before pull'd off my bootes; they then set me up against an oake, wth most bloudy threats to cutt my throat if I offer'd to crie out or make any noise, for they should be within hearing, I not being the person they looked for. I told them if they had not basely surpriz'd me they should not have had so easy a prize, and that it would teach me never to ride neere an hedge, since had I ben in ye mid-way they durst not have adventur'd on me; at which they cock'd their pistols, and told me they had long guns too, and were 14 companions. I begg❜d for my onyx, and told them it being engraven with my armes would betray them, but nothing prevail'd. I heard afterwards that had it not been for his companion, a younger man, he would probably have kill'd me. He was afterwards charg'd with some other crime, but refusing to plead, was press'd to death. . . . Such adven tures with highwaymen were frequent in those times. So in New this time. 25 [Dec.]. Christmas day, no sermon any where, no Church being permitted to be open, so observ'd it at home. The next day we went to Lewesham, where an honest divine preach'd. 31 Dec. I adjusted all accompts, and render'd thanks to Almighty God for his mercys to me the yeare past. . . . 11 April [1653]. I went to take the aire in Hide Park, where every coach was made to pay a shilling, and horse 6d. by the sordid fellow who had purchas'd it of the State Le. of Cromwell's government. Evelyn was tiful views and landscape gardening. Evelyn's ideals of stricter than II [May, 1654]. I now observed how the women began to paint themselves, formerly a most ignominious thing. . . . 10 [July]. On Monday I went againe to ye Scholes [schools] to heare the severall Faculties, and in ye afternoone tarried out the whole Act in St. Marie's, the long speeches of the Proctors, the Vice-Chancellor, the severall Professors, creation of Doctors by ye cap, ring, kisse, &c. those antient ceremonies and institution being as yet not wholy abolish'd. Dr. Kendal, now Inceptor amongst others, performing his Act incomparably well, concluded it with an excellent oration, abating his Presbyterian animosities, which he witheld not even against that learned and pious divine Dr. Hammond. . . . ... Went back to Cadenham, and on ye 19th to Sir Ed. Baynton's at Spie Park, a place capable of being made a noble seate; but the humourous old Knight has built a long single house of 2 low stories on ye precipice of an incomparable prospect, and landing on a bowling greene in ye park. The house is like a long barne, and has not a window on ye prospect side. After dinner they went to bowles, and in the meanetime our coach-men were made so exceed conduct were ingly drunk, that in returning home we escap'd greate dangers. This it seems was by order of the Knight, that all gentlemen's servants be so treated; but the custome is barbarous, and much unbecoming a Knight, still lesse a Christian. those generally entertained by the nobility of the Restoration period. For New Quakers, see 30. 22 July. We departed and din'd at a ferme [farm] of my uncle Hungerford's, call'd Darneford Magna, situate in a vally under ye plaine, most sweetly water'd, abounding in trouts catch'd by speare in the night when they come attracted by a light set in ye sterne of a boate. . . . ... [8 July, 1656]. I had ye curiosity to visite some Quakers here in prison; a new phanatic [fanatic] sect, of dangerous principles, who shew no respect to any man, magistrate or other, and seeme a melancholy proud sort of people, and |