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insists that communications addressed to the United States Government or to the President of the United States as to the terms of armistice or as to other matters in which the associated governments are alike concerned should be sent to all the associated governments and not to this government alone.
This is the second request along this line which the State Department has made to the enemy countries. The latest note, which Acting Secretary Polk has sent to the Swiss and Swedish legations for transmission to Germany and Austria, is brought out particularly by a communication from the National Council of Lemburg, regarding boundary lines, and brought out also by various other communications received from Austria and Germany which bore no evidence of having been similarly communicated to the governments associated with the United States.—Official Bulletin, 10/12.
Solf Quits Foreign Office.—At the end of November the Executive Committee of the Workers' and Soldiers' Council in Germany demanded that the People's Commissioners dismiss Foreign Secretary W. S. Solf, who had held over from the old regime. This demand on the part of the radical faction was first pushed by Kurt Eisner, Premier of Bavaria, who threatened the separation of Bavaria, unless the central government rid itself of men regarded as not in full sympathy with the extreme Socialist wing.
Though this policy of the radicals received slight support, it was announced on Dec. 11 that Dr. Solf had handed in his resignation, which had been accepted by the Ebert-Haase Cabinet.
Ebert Cabinet Gains Strength.—Following its establishment, the Ebert government in Germany steadily strengthened its control. On Nov. 24 the Liebknecht faction attempted in vain to force itself into power. On the night of Dec. 6 apparently prearranged rioting and disorder occurred in Berlin, which, however, instigated, demonstrated that the established government was receiving general support. On this occasion the Executive Committee of the Soldiers' and Workers' Council was arrested, apparently without authorization, by a body of soldiers. They were at once released by order of the government.
A crowd of about 500, formed to secure the release of the arrested committee, was in the meantime fired upon by guards, with the result that 12 or 15 were killed and some 50 wounded. While this was going on, a long column of soldiers and sailors marched down the Wilhelm strasse to the Chancellor's Building and their leader in a speech condemned the Soldiers' and Workmen's Council and attempted to proclaim Ebert President of the German Republic. Ebert declined in the following words:
"Comrades and friends, I am unwilling to accept your offer without first having consulted my colleagues in the government. This is so serious a matter that it must be left to the Council of the People's Commissioners."
Meeting Of Soviet Council, December 16.—In the palace of the Prussian Diet in Berlin, the National Conference of Soldiers' and Workers' Councils assembled, some 450 in number, on Dec. 16. More than half of thern were ex-soldiers still in field gray, with a few ex-officers, and the remainder chiefly of the "hard working, deep thinking type of factory employee." One of the first acts of the Conference was to defeat decisively a resolution introduced by the Spartacus group proposing that Karl Liebknecht and Rosa Luxemburg be invited to attend the gathering.
The People's Commissioners. Ebert, Barth. Haase, Rittmann, Landsberg, and Schiedemann, together with the Executive Committee of the Council, occupied the benches reserved for the government under the old regime. Richard Miiller, one of the two presidents of the Executive Committee of the Soldiers' and Workers' Council, opened the meeting. He was followed by Commissioner Ebert, who dwelt in his speech on the future of the socialist republic and insisted on the necessity of establishing a stable government.
The sentiment of the meeting indicated that the National Assembly, originally scheduled for Feb. 16, would be held early in January.
The Adriatic Problem.—One of the most serious danger points in European international relations at present is the conflict between Italians and Jugoslavs regarding the proper boundary between the two nations east of the Adriatic.
The Treaty of London in April, 1915, on the basis of which Italy entered the war, allotted to Italy, if she could get it, the annexation of Austrian territory east of the Adriatic, including all of Gorizia-Gradisca and I stria, with the City of Trieste, together with the coastal province of Dalmatia as far as a line just north of Spalato, and most of the Dalmatian Islands. (See map.) In this region there were several hundred thousand Italians and nearly a million Jugoslavs—Slovenes and Croats in lstria and GoriziaGradisca, Serbo-Croats in Dalmatia. Each side claims that the Austrian census figures are falsified in favor of the other, and there is dispute as to geographical distribution of the races. Generally, however, it may be said that the Italian population predominates in the western part of Gorizia-Gradisca and lstria, and in several of the chief seaports. The population of the back country and of the islands is almost wholly Slav.
Knowledge of the Italian aspirations excited many Jugoslav troops in the Austro-Hungarian Army to fight willingly against the Italians; but many thousands of them, placed against the Russians or Serbs, surrendered without fighting and were presently formed into Jugoslav legions which fought hard in the allied armies. The fact that the Serbian people were to be included in the proposed unified State of Jugoslavia, and that they were deeply interested in the welfare of all parts of the race, made the question very largely one between two allies. A large section of the liberal Italian press, most notably the Corriere della Sera of Milan, protested against the annexation program whose most active official supporter was the Foreign Minister, Baron Sydney Sonnino; and when Trotzky published the text of the London treaty last winter further protests followed.
This favored the movement toward cooperation between the two nations, which would divide the coast of the Adriatic between them in the event of the defeat of Austria-Hungary; it was argued by many of their leaders that they were natural allies, threatened by the common Austro-Hungarian danger. So. after the Italian defeat at Caporetto an agreement was signed hetween Dr. Ante Trumbitch, President of the Jugoslav Committee, and Andrea della Torre, a well-known Italian journalist representing the elements friendly to the Jugoslavs, which suggested as a solution that territorial questions should be settled on the basis of self-determination, "with due regard to the vital interests of the two peoples," and that full
SHADED AREA REPRESENTS EXTREME Jugoslav CLAIMS; Black Line Is Limit of Italian Claims.
-N. Y. Times, 15/12.
rights should be granted by each race to minorities of the other that might be included within its borders. This agreement was reaffirmed at the Congress of Oppressed Nationalities held at Rome last April, which, though not official so far as the Italian Government was concerned, was held under the Presidency of Premier Orlando and was generally regarded as having at least semi-official standing.
There was soon a reaction, however. Last summer the Italian press was engaged in a sharp controversy over the relations with the Jugoslavs, most of the liberal papers supporting Premier Orlando and Professor Nitti, the Minister of Finance, who favored^ a policy of conciliation with the Jugoslavs, while the conservative papers backed up Sonnino, whose influence, it was claimed, was manifested in several ways opposed to Jugoslav aspirations. And the Treaty of London was never formally repudiated by the Italian Government.
This fall insurrections broke out in the Jugoslav country, as in the rest of Austria, and these insurrections undoubtedly made somewhat easier the task of the Italian Army in its overwhelming final victory over the Austrians in October and November. There promptly developed on both sides, however, an unwillingness to admit that there was glory enough for all or territory enough for all. The armistice concluded with the -Austro-Hungarian Government just as that government was passing out of existence gave the Italians the right to occupy territory up to a line practically identical with that marked off for Italian annexation in that the occupation of Fiume had been requested by the Italian population. Another sore point was the Austro-Hungarian fleet, manned chiefly by Jugoslavs from the Dalmatian Islands. In the collapse of Austria coincident with the final Italian victory on the Piave the sailors revolted and turned over the fleet to the Jugoslav National Council newly chosen as the Provisional Government of the Jugoslav provinces pending ultimate union with Serbia and Montenegro. The armistice terms, however, provided that the fleet must be surrendered. The Jugoslavs expressed their willingness to surrender the fleet provisionally to Americans or to a joint allied commission, and some of their leaders asked for American instead of Italian occupation of the allied territory.
However, the fleet was surrendered without trouble, and to an allied force under Italian command, but including representatives of the other navies. Apparently also the army of occupation is to include contingents from all the Allies, though the command and the major portion of the troops are Italian; for the General Staff has announced that of the American troops in Italy some will be stationed in Trieste, some in Fiume, and some in Cattaro pending the final settlement.
The feeling, however, continues very bitter, the Jugoslavs contending that the Italians were willing to compromise when their armies had just been defeated at Caporetto, but insisted on extreme demands after their troops had won great victories. The Italians, on the other hand, assert that the victories of the Italian Army are chiefly responsible for the liberation of the Jugoslavs and object to the attitude of the latter as ungrateful.
The above statement is an attempt to present an impartial summary of the principal events in the controversy which is now a serious menace to peace on the Adriatic.—N. Y. Times, 15/12.
Present Government Of Hungary.—Formal proclamation of a Hungarian Republic was issued at Budapest on Nov. 17. The Hungarian Parliament was dissolved, and the government turned over to a National Council of twenty members, which appointed a coalition ministry headed by Count Michael Karolyi. The new government maintained comparative order, though faced by famine, and though its power extended little
beyond the city of Budapest. The Jugoslavs, Rumanians, Ruthenians, and Chechoslovaks, formerly under Magyar domination, now lay claim to practically all the old Hungarian territory, their claims in many cases conflicting with each other.
Alexander Of Serbia Heads Jugoslav State.—Crown Prince Alexander of Serbia has been appointed Regent of the Jugoslav State by the National Council at Agram, according to a Laibach dispatch. A State Council, comprising all the members of the Agram Council, fifty delegates from Serbia, and five from Montenegro, has been summoned to meet at Serajevo. This council will appoint a cabinet for the Jugoslav State.
It has been decided further that Prince Alexander will appoint Governors at Belgrade, Serbia; Cettinje, Montenegro; Laibach, Slavonia; Serajevo, Bosnia and Herzegovina; Spalato, Dalmatia; and Agram, Croatia. As soon as the situation is settled, elections will be held for a Constituent Assembly, which will sit at Serajevo and definitely decide upon the form of state that will be set up and adopt the constitution.—N. Y. Times, 27/11.
Aims Op Czechoslavs.—Dr. Karl Kramarz was appointed Premier of the Czech Republic on Nov. 19. In an interview with an Associated Press representative on Dec. 8, he stated that it was the aim of the Czechs to maintain close commercial relations with Jugoslavs and Rumanians, with a protective wall against Germany. Their goal was to reestablish the frontiers of ancient Bohemia, within which every liberty would be granted, regardless of race.
Admiral Kolchak Dictator.—A despatch from Vladivostok on Nov. 19 announced that Admiral Alexander Kolchak, former commander of the Black Sea Fleet, had secured control of the All-Russian Government at Omsk, with dictatorial powers. Admiral Kolchak later received the support of most of the anti-Bolshevik leaders in Siberia, and remained in control at the date of going to press, though not formally recognized by allied representatives.
Attitude Of Czech Forces.—The Czechs were greatly surprised by the developments at Omsk, and a special meeting of the Czech National Council has been called at Cheliabinsk to decide what attitude the Czechs shall take toward the new government While the Czechs do not desire to interfere in internal Russian policies, they are faced by the Bolsheviki on this front, and must protect their lines of communication in the rear.
All their interest is in democratic government in Russia. It is exceedingly doubtful whether they can recognize Admiral Kolchak's dictatorship, but they are in a very unfortunate position, not knowing what attitude the Allies will adopt. It is generally reported in this city and at Omsk that the Allies will recognize the dictatorship. I have been asked repeatedly why the Allies did not recognize the All-Russian Government and bring it the moral support it needed to face the monarchist and Bolshevist agitation. Now it is argued that the Allies did not favor that government because they believed a dictatorship was necessary.—N. Y. Times, 27/11;
Russia At The Peace Conference.—The Government at Omsk, of which the United States and other governments have expected much, is now in the hands of a dictator and split into factions. The Entente nations have not given up hope that the Omsk authorities may yet evolve a stable form