32D CONG....2D SESS. Colonization in North America-Messrs. Seward and Cass. ge warrant such action when it was spoken only one out of a thousand or five thousand rnals. econdly, the Senator from Michigan invokes attention to what Lord George Bentinck has in the British Parliament. Well, sir, that mportant. What an English Lord has said, said in Parliament, too-that must be looked . Well, what did Lord George Bentinck say? he said very angry things-very furious gs-indeed, very ferocious things. Prepare rself to hear them, sir. Lord George Bentinck say, in so many words, and in Parliament, what I am going to repeat. His lordship say that He quite agreed with Captain Pilkington." Ay, sir, his lordship did say that "he quite eed with Captain Pilkington!" Ominous words earful conjunction; an English Lord and an glish Captain. But this was not all, not by any ans all that Lord George Bentinck said. He d, also: They would never put down the slave trade, so long as epended upon blockading ten thousand two hundred sixty miles of coast, and he would do what Captain kington had recommended." And what do you think it was that Captain kington had recommended? Be patient, I pray u, and hear Lord George Bentinck explain. hat Captain Pilkington recommended was, "to trike a blow at the head, and not the hand. le would not send an army to destroy every inividual hornet, but he would go to the hornet's est at once." Yes, sir; and Lord George Benck not only echoed all these severe things which d been said by Captain Pilkington, as aforesaid, t he said also on his own account, "Let us take ossession of Cuba, and settle the question altoether. Let us distrain upon it for the just debt ue, and too long asked in vain, from the Spanh Government. As for the rest of the alarmsayings of his lordship, I forbear from repeatthem. Are they not written in the Appendix the Congressional Globe, for the years 1847 and 48, published by Blair & Rives, printers of the ebates of Congress, at page 607? And now, sir, it may assuage the passion and ate the fear that these threats of Lord George ntinck to distrain upon a hornet's nest have cited, when I state, first, that they are old, and t new. They were uttered four years ago: mely, on the 3d of March, 1848. Secondly, at George Bentinck was only a lord by courtesy, d so not a real lord at all. Thirdly, that Lord -orge Bentinck was in a very harmless minority Parliament when he uttered them, it being, ined, unknown that he had any confederate in his ked designs but Captain Pilkington. Fourthly, at this alleged speech was brought before the mate and the American people, in 1848, by a e member of this body, whose constitutional clivity to wit and humor was so great as to tify the belief that the speech, like the Donaldand Greer correspondence, was a hoax, (Mr. .) Fifthly, that Lord George Bentinck died ne years ago, and Captain Pilkington not havbeen heard of for a long time, there is a strong sumption that the loss of his noble friend and valrous ally has thrown him into a decline. The tone of the speech of the Senator from uisiana, [Mr. SOULE,] was one of complaint inst the Administration of our Government, I against France and Great Britain. The Adnistration was censured for austerity towards associates of Lopez. But either it could have -tected or vindicated them consistently with law 1 treaties, or it could not. If it could, then the ator's censures are too lenient; if it could not, n they are altogether unjust. Since the day when gifted, ingenuous, and gentle André was exeed on a gallows as a spy, by order of Washingwe have known the painful delicacy of execug general laws upon persons whose motives bearing justly excited our respect and comsion. The Senator's sympathy in this case is ht. nn. It is only the perversion of it to awaken judice against the Administration that I conAgain: France and Great Britain are said have menaced us, by saying in their correspondze that a renewal of such an expedition as that Lopez might endanger the peace of the nations. such expedition can be undertaken of which it can be certainly affirmed that it will not in its consequences lead to a war. I think, therefore, that none but a jaundiced eye, such as does not belong to the President, or to the Secretary of State, could have discovered the insult thus complained of, and therefore they may be excused for having received it in silence. The Senator shows us that six or seven years ago Spain herself meditated the establishment of a monarchy in New Granada, and only one hundred and forty years ago, a proposition was made to the British Ministry to privately seize the Island of Cuba in a time of peace and friendship with Spain. These facts would have been pertinent, perhaps, if the Senator had advised us to seize the Havana. But I understood him, on the contrary, to discountenance not only conquest, but even purchase, and to agree with those of us who propose to wait for the fruit to ripen, although he has been at some pains to show us that it may rot in the ripening. Indeed, Mr. President, the Senator's argument seemed to me a meandering stream, that visited and touched all the banks of controversy, but glided swiftly away from them, and especially avoided plunging into the depths of any conclusion. Its tendency, I think, was to exasperate the American people against the European Powers, and to irritate them. I cannot sympathize with such a spirit. I would submit to no real wrong, and justify no oppression or tyranny committed by them. But, on the other hand, I will seek no factitious cause of controversy. I want no war with them. We are sure to grow by peace. A war between the two continents would be a war involving not merely a trial which was the strongest, but the integrity of our Republic. Before such a war shall come, I want to see Canada transferred from her false position in Europe, to her true position on this continent, Texas peopled like Massachusetts, the interior of the continent cultivated like Ohio, and Oregon and California not only covered, like New York, with forts and arsenals, and docks and navy-yards, but grappled fast to New York and Washington by an iron chain that shall stretch its links through the passes of the Sierra Nevada and the Rocky Mountains. The Senator tells us that the question of the acquisition of Cuba may be upon us to-morrow, and may not be upon us for twenty-five years. That is to say, it stands now, so far as we can see, where it has stood for twenty-five years past. But he advises us to be ready. That is just what I propose to do. And the way to keep ready is to keep cool. If we keep cool, we shall be none the less prepared, if the portentous question shall indeed come to-morrow; while, on the other hand, excessive heat prematurely generated, will be sure to pass off before the expiration of the longer period. Mr. President, let us survey our ground carefully and completely. Political action, like all other human action, is regulated by laws higher than the caprice or policy of princes, kings, and States. There is a time for colonization, and there is a time for independence. The colonization of the American hemisphere by European Powers was the work of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries; the breaking up of colonial dependence, and the rise of independent American States, is the work of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. It is a work that does not go on as broadly and as rapidly as we could wish, but it does not go backwards. It goes faster than was to have been expected, under the circumstances, for it began when the United States alone, of all the colonies, Spanish, French, and English, had attained adequate strength, and sufficient preparation for successful self-government. European States cannot establish new colonies here, for the same reason that they cannot long retain their old ones. As for France, she surrendered all her continental American empire to Great Britain in 1763, except Louisiana and Cayenne. Napoleon sold Louisiana to us in 1803, because even he could not keep it for France. She keeps Cayenne only because it is not worth the cost of conquest. What does she want of more American colonies to be severed from her as soon as matured? Great Britain, too, lost in the American Revolution all her American possessions but a remnant. She keeps that remnant from pride, not interest, SENATE. as Spain does Cuba. What does she want of more American colonies, to draw upon the home treasury for defense and support, and to become independent as soon as they shall become strong? Canada is only a nominal colony or dependency. Great Britain yet retains Canada only by yielding to her what she denied to us-fiscal independence. And now, what does France or Great Britain want of Cuba? It is a slave colony. They have abolished slavery in all their possessions. Should either of them obtain that island, the first act of Government there must be the abolition of slavery. The abolition of slavery, too, must be made with compensation, and the compensation must be drawn from the home treasury. Will either of them take Cuba at such a cost? And what would Cuba, without slavery, be worth to either of those Powers? Let their experience in the West Indies answer. Cuba, without slavery, can belong to no European State but Spain. Cuba, without slavery, would be worthless to any Power but the United States: and John Quincy Adams was right; Cuba, either with or without slavery, gravitates towards, and will ultimately fall into, the American Union. What then! Has France ceased to be ambitious, and has Great Britain adopted the policy that Augustus Cæsar bequeathed to Rome, to forbear from extending the bounds of empire? Not at all. France and England are unchanged. I do not know that as yet they have learned that their power cannot be renewed or restored in America. But I do know that they will find it out when they try to renew and restore it again; and therefore all the alarms raised by the Senator from Michigan pass by me like the idle winds. The Monroe doctrine was a right one-the policy was a right one, not because it would require to be enforced by arms, but because it was well-timed. It was the result of a sagacious discovery of the tendency of the age. It will prevail if you affirm it. It will equally prevail if you neglect to affirm it hereafter as you have refused to do heretofore. As a practical question, therefore, it has ceased to be. It is obsolete. You are already the great Continental Power of America. But does that content you? I trust it does not. You want the commerce of the world, which is the empire of the world. This is to be looked for not on the American lakes, nor on the Atlantic coast, nor on the Caribbean sea, nor on the Mediterranean, nor on the Baltic, nor on the Atlantic ocean, but on the Pacific ocean, and its islands and continents. Be not over-confident. Disregard not France, and England, and Russia. Watch them with jealousy, and baffle their designs against you. But look for those great rivals where they are to be found-on those continents and seas in the East where the prize which you are contending with them for is to be found. Open up a highway through your country from New York to San Francisco. Put your domain under cultivation, and your ten thousand wheels of manufacture in motion. Multiply your ships, and send them forth to the East. The nation that draws most materials and provisions from the earth, and fabricates the most, and sells the most of productions and fabrics to foreign nations, must be, and will be, the great Power of the earth. Mr. CASS. I have a right to say a word or two, Mr. President, in reply to the Senator from New York; and the first remark that I have to make is, that I cannot characterize his speech in the proper manner, so long as I entertain a respect for myself and for the Senate. But I will say this, that of all the speeches I have ever heard from that honorable Senator-and that is saying a good deal this was the most disingenuous, and marked with the most self-complacency, that I have ever heard in the American Senate. Sir, I am not going to follow the honorable Senator through the whole of his remarks. I have risen simply to read the passage which he would not read-and which an honest and just man would have read in his speech-because he did not want it to go out with his own remarks. Mr. MANGUM. I feel constrained to call the honorable Senator to order. Mr. CASS. Mr. President, I do not mean to say a word out of order, but the honorable Senator will recollect what the Senator from New York said. One expression which he used was, that he "absolutely compassionated "me for my "la 32D CONG.....2D SESS. boring" in my "speech;" and there is no mistake about that sentiment running through the whole of the speech of the Senator from New York. I wonder that the honorable Senator from North Carolina was not prompt enough to stop some of its expressions. As he has not, I think I have a right to say a word or two in reply. I have done nothing yet but to characterize the speech. Allow me to say a few words about the Senator's allusion to what I said about Mr. Adams. As I said, he did not quote those remarks, and his speech going out printed to the world would lead the world to suppose that I had indulged in remarks about Mr. Adams without the least propriety. Sir, the Senator's commentary should have been accompanied by my remarks, so that they might have gone out in the same paper, and been compared together. But I will read those remarks; and I do not believe there is another man in the Senate that will say they were not justified under the circumstances. Before I do that, however, I desire to make an observation with respect to the wording of the resolutions. Some remarks were bandied backwards and forwards between the honorable Senators from New York and New Hampshire, about the expression used in the resolutions. All I have to say now in regard to that, is what I said in the beginningthey are in the words of Mr. Polk and Mr. Monroe; so that I consider myself only an auditor, so far as respects that-not of Mr. Adams, but of Mr. Monroe and Mr. Polk. With respect to Canada, I have nothing to say, except that the honorable Senator from New Hampshire knows as well as I do that there is no kind of parity in the condition of Canada and Cuba. I am not going to argue that, because he knows it as well as I do. He knows that the reasons applicable to this resolution in regard to Cuba are not applicable to Canada. He knows that if Canada falls out of the possession of England, it could not go into the hands of a stronger Power. He knows that there is no great route of our commerce which Canada commands, as does Cuba. But I am not going to argue that with him; for he will not say that he does not know it as well as I do. But I wish to make a remark upon one other point. The honorable Senator from New York has arraigned me for introducing this resolutionand I am amazed at the expression, but these are the very words-" without the sanction of the President of the United States." Well, sir, I have very little to say on that subject. It requires no answer. I have introduced a solemn resolution into this Senate, as a member of the body, without the sanction of the President of the United States, and I have even ventured to do it without the sanction of a committee. But the honorable Senator asserted what he had no right to assert-no gentleman has a right to assert a fact unless he knows it to be so that I introduced it without the knowledge of any other member of the Senate. He was mistaken in that; and I repeat again, no man has a right to assert a fact as such, unless he knows it to be so. Yes, sir, I have introduced it without the sanction of the President of the United States; and if my constituents find fault with me for that, they will recall me, and I will reply to them there. But the honorable Senator said that this is no proper time to introduce this resolution. Why, sir, as soon as I understood what was going on in Honduras and the Bay of Islands, the resolution was introduced. It was introduced to meet the case. And did I suppose-had I any right to suppose that the Senate would procrastinate in such an emergency? Suppose it had been put off until another session? Why, then the question would have been put, as it was raised by the Senator from New Hampshire this session, Why did you not introduce it before? That would have been the result. I had no right to believe that the American Senate would procrastinate such a measure unnecessarily. There is no reason why it should not act upon it in a week as well as in a month; but whether it act upon it in a week, or in a month, or in a year, is no good reason why I should postpone it. If I deemed its introduction necessary to the welfare of the country, I was not obliged to wait any longer. The honorable Senator from New York-and Colonization in North America-Mr. Cass. it is a specimen of what I said was the nature of his remarks-alluded to the subject of the Maine controversy, and said that I gave that as one of the reasons for introducing this resolution. There is nothing like it, sir. There is no such thing in my speech, from beginning to end-not one word. What I said about the Maine controversy was this: I was recapitulating the conditions under which we were heretofore placed. The case of Maine was one, among others, which I mentioned, where, I said, we yielded to improper pressure from a foreign Power; and I believe, as the strength of the country increases, and the sentiment of the country supports its own dignity, we will not submit to it any more. That was one of the facts which I recapitulated, and it had nothing to do with the principle before us. It was a mere reference to our history, and was not given as a reason for instigating this movement. SENATE Adams's opinion was that such a law shor Congress. The extract was taken from his e written when he was Secretary of State, and lished with the purpose of influencing Corg perform an act which I believed then, as I ha now, would have been utterly ruinous structive to this Confederation. Had I ne then, to comment, in the proper spirit, upen Mr. Adams, when Secretary of State, the extract to which I allude. And do yea President, believe, does the honorable S from New York believe, is there a man in tay ate who believes, that at that time, when ker among those who looked to the Presidency, he ultimately attained, he would have made sentiments known to the American people a yet he would put them in his Diary, the should die with him; and no relative, it se me, looking to the real condition, should brought them out. Under these circums what did I say? I will read to the Senate v said: "These are the views bequeathed to us by an citizen (Mr. Adams) who, after filling the offer de dent of the United States, was taken away in the w his labors, as the ancient warriors fell, with their le upon them. It has been long known that he kepty. of passing events, and a portion of this record of currences has been recently taken from the deport where it had better been shielded by time and don, at posed to the light of day by a member of his fam often has the memory of distinguished men been by the zeal of indiscreet friends, who, instead backward with a garment to cover them, reveal the firmities to the curiosity of the world! This re will add nothing to the claims-and they are mass-c the deceased statesman had to the consideration countrymen, founded upon his services, his talents, an quirements, and his unimpeached probity." I never felt disposed to do injustice Adams. Ad "Strong prejudices, not to say bitter ones, and ter ament often ill-regulated and always excitable.tor fegy ly interfered, especially when men and measures F closely connected, with that calm investigation so ... to the exercise of a correct judgment." Mr. President, is there a man here whe Mr. Adams, who does not know that fact? "This cotemporaneous record of his feelings and But the honorable Senator has talked a great deal about Lord George Bentinck, and his being only a lord by courtesy, and all that. I have nothing to say about that. I have nothing to say about his title. He has talked a great deal about Lord George Bentinck and Captain somebody. I shall not go into that. But, sir, this Lord George Bentinck was not only a lord and a member of Parliament, as the honorable Senator and myself are members of the Senate, but he was the acknowledged Tory leader in the House of Commons-a most important personage in English political history. He stood up, not as a mere member of the House of Commons, but as the head of the Tory party, and that fact gave weight to his opinions; and when such a man as that-a man who, from day to day, might have been Prime Minister of England, from his political position, makes such a statement, I think we have a right to notice it. But the honorable Senator has said that he is now dead, and that he cannot "distrain" upon Cuba. I did not allude to his remarks so much as the opinions of the individual; but I alluded to the principle avowed, as belonging to men holding the same political views. That is the reason why I alluded to it; and whether Lord George Bentinck be now living or dead, it is the same thing to me.ions exhibits these traits of character in bold rehe z The sentiment to which I alluded was that of a high political Tory in England, who might, from day to day, have been at the head of the British Ministry, and his declarations are good for all time. But the time when he made that declaration has passed away! It has been four or five years since it was made! Sir, four or five years is a short time in English policy. That policy does not vary so rapidly as that. What England was then she is now. And when a man in Lord George Bentinck's position, stands up in the House of Commons, and avows that he wants to have Cuba for debts due to English subjects, I ask if it should not engage some attention? It is true, sir, the remarks were taken from a newspaper; but I do not disregard newspaper reports, as the honorable Senator affects to do. I think they are important; important indications of public opinion; important indications and precursors of the movements of a Government. I should say that the indications in The Times are very important. No man can doubt that. Therefore they are to be regarded, not as absolute facts, but as strong indications of what is the leading sentiment of the country. Well, sir, the honorable Senator has said, that the time for colonization is passed. I will say but one word about that. We have had two colonizations this year, and how many more we are going to have I know not. That is the best commentary upon the Senator's remarks. indeed, a melancholy proof that a vigorous intellect overshadowed by strange aberrations, and rendered and sometimes dangerous by wayward views, organ in passing impressions, and maintained with chara tenacity, and with little respect for the opinions "In this diary, the compromise by which the C tion was established, and without which it esco have been established, is denounced as 'the bag and politically vicious ;"tween freedom and slavery;' and it is pronounced as He pronounced the Constitution of the Cre States" morally and politically vicious.” -"with various harsh epithets and illogical de little creditable to the judgment of the writer at a and least of all at that time, considering the posit Government he then occupied, and the acknowledge. he had to still higher distinction. "This condemnation of the Constitution as morally is left upon record by a statesman who sought and the confidence of his country in many stations of honor and responsibility-in more, indeed, pert any other man of the past generation; whose serve menced about the commencement of the present 677 ment, and continued almost without intermission, career was terminated by death. At the very time embodied this opinion of the Constitution, he was ond officer of the Executive Department of the Gove and became, ere long, the first; and in each of the cities, as in many a preceding one, he voluntarily under the most solemn sanction, the obligation to this Constitution, thus stamped with the charge and political rice. I take no pleasure in the express these views. But the document has been given to the try, and, regret it as we may and must, it has already into history; and, like all the other materials of wh tory is composed, cannot escape the scrutiny, not escape the censure of an age like this. Nor should ample are bad. That the Constitution is a vicious instr is an opinion, it seems to me, that no right minded A can hold. That its honors and emoluments may be and enjoyed, and its obligations assumed by him wh siders it liable to this grave censure, is certainly not e cilable with any elevated standard of morality; we opinion or the example by which position is held such circumstances calculated to produce a salutary impre sion upon the American youth." But I rose principally to make some remarks in reply to the allusions of the honorable Senator to my observations about Mr. Adams. It is now three years since those observations were made; and they are now resuscitated by the honorable Senator from New York-as Mr. Adams's remarks were brought, so to speak, out of the grave by a near relative. What were the facts in regard to my remarks on Mr. Adams? During the pendency of the discussions arising out of the annexation of portions of the Mexican dominions,-in fact, during the discussion on the Wilmot proviso, an extract from the Diary of Mr. Adams, bearing upon the principle involved in that proviso, was published by his son, to show that Mr. Those were my sentiments then, and they " now. "I am sorry to say there are other portions of this rea citated paper equally obnoxious to the censure of patrice) and of good taste. How different are its tone and temper that legacy of true wisdom and patriotism, the Farewel Address-a monument of high moral and political fee and of affectionate interest, as well as of practical wisd 853.] 32D CONG.....2D SESS. en. APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL GLOBE. Colonization in North America-Mr. Seward. ach as no other citizen ever bequeathed to his country. "The one appeals to the better feelings of our naturethe common name of American'-and bids us hold on to the unity of Government, which constitutes us one eople,' by all the motives that belong to the past and the resent, to common exertions crowned with success, and to mmon hopes as bright as, in the providence of God, were ver offered to any people. It warns us also of the mischief f sectional prejudices, and of the danger of sectional quesons which tend to render alien to each other those who ught to be bound together by fraternal affection.' And at voice, which now comes to us from the tomb, should peak in trumpet tones to every American ear, and strike a esponsive chord in every American heart, when it calls upon to FROWN INDIGNANTLY UPON THE FIRST DAWNING OF EVERY ATTEMPT TO ALIENATE ONE PORTION OF OUR COUNTRY FROM THE REST, OR TO WEAKEN THE SACRED TIES WHICH NOW BIND TOGETHER THE VARIOUS PARTS.' "The other- -but I will not speak of it as I might well Better that it had been entombed, like the ancient Egyptian records, till its language was lost, than have been bus exposed to the light of day. I will place in contact, nd that will place in contrast, a few passages from the Farewell Address, and from the Diary of Mr. Adams, and -lose this ungrateful topic with a few remarks." The re I did place in the same column opposite to each other, the remarks of General Washington in his Farewell Address, and those of Mr. Adams. I will not read the remarks of General Washington; here is no need of it; every American has them n his heart; he knows what they are. marks of Mr. Adams I will read, and I will then appeal to every man who hears me, be he Senator or be he auditor, if any language of condemnation can be pronounced too strong upon the revelation of such language, written secretly by the second Officer in this Government, aiming at the first post, which he afterwards attained? What did Mr. Adams say? He said this: "The progress of this discussion The discussion upon the Missouri compromise question was what he referred to— "The progress of this discussion has so totally merged in passion all the reasoning faculties of these slaveholders, that these gentlemen, in the simplicity of their hearts, had come to a conclusion in direct opposition to their premises, without being aware or conscious of inconsistency. They insisted upon it, that the clause in the Constitution which gives Congress the power to dispose of, and make all needful rules and regulations respecting, the territory and other property of the United States,' had reference to it only as land, and conferred no authority to make rules binding upon its inhabitants," &c., &c. 6 That, you will recollect, is precisely the decision of the Supreme Court of the United States, Mr. Adams to the contrary notwithstanding. court has decided that it relates to land alone. That "It is, in truth, an all-perverted sentiment, mistaking labor for slavery, and dominion for freedom. The discussion of this Missouri question has betrayed the secret of their souls. In the abstract, they admit that slavery is an evil. They disclaim all participation in the introduction of it, and cast it all upon the shoulders of our old grandam Britain. But, when probed to the quick upon it, they show at the bottom of their souls pride and vainglory in their very condition of masterdom." "The impression produced upon my mind by the progress of this discussion is, that the bargain between freedom and slavery, contained in the Constitution of the United States, is morally and politically vicious, inconsistent with the prin ciples upon which alone our Revolution can be justified, cruel and oppressive, by riveting the chains of slavery, by pledg ing the faith of freedom to maintain and to perpetuate the tyranny of the master; and grossly unequal and impolitic, by admitting that slaves are at once enemies to be kept in subjection, property to be secured or restored to their owners, and persons not to be represented themselves, but for whom their masters are privileged with nearly a double share of representation. The consequence has been, that this slave representation has governed the Union. Benjamin, portioned above his brethren, has ravened as a wolf; in the morning he has devoured the prey, and at night he has divided the spoil. "It would be no difficult matter to prove, by reviewing the history of the Union under this Constitution, that almost everything which has contributed to the honor and welfare of the nation has been accomplished in spite of them, or forced upon them, and that everything unpropitious and dishonorable, including the blunders and follies of their adversaries, may be traced to them." What a sentiment is that to be uttered by an American Secretary of State, and one who was ultimately a President of the United States! What a sentiment is that to be dug out of the tomb by one of his sons at this day, and now brought forward by the honorable gentleman as a reproach to me, because I commented upon it. I will read but one paragraph more from my own speech, and then I have done: "He is unworthy the name of American who does not feel at his heart's core the difference between the lofty patriotism and noble sentiments of one of these documents -; but I will not say what the occasion would justify. I will only say, and that is enough, the other-for it is another. NEW SERIES.-No. 9. "Benjamin, portioned above his brethren, has ravened as a wolf; in the morning he has devoured the prey, and at 'night he has divided the spoil.' So much for Scripture and patriotism. When translated into plain English, this means that the South has fattened upon the North, as the wolf is gorged with his prey! Lest the apologue should not be sufficiently clear, we are told that almost everything which has contributed to the honor and the welfare of the nation, has been accomplished by the North, in despite of the South; and that everything unpropitious and dishonorable, including the blunders and follies of their adversaries, may be traced to the South. "And this judgment is pronounced upon the land of Patrick Henry, and Jefferson, and Laurens, and Rutledge, and Sumter, and Marion, and Madison, and Marshall, and Monroe, and Jackson, and-above all and beyond all-Washington; and upon the land of a host of other statesmen and warriors, as true and tried as in field or Cabinet ever maintained the honor of their country in times as perilous as any country ever encountered and survived. 66 "And yet almost all of good that has been gained by our All Mr. President, I have nothing more to say. Mr. SEWARD. I shall take only three points I am glad to learn that the Senator thinks Lord SENATE. nent upon the floor of Parliament. He was said by his contemporaries to be the most stable man in England, because he kept the largest stud of horses. But the honorable Senator has mooted an important point in this case. Most of the opinions which he attributed to Lord George Bentinck, were by Lord George Bentinck himself acknowledged to have been derived from Captain Pilkington, who was a man so obscure that we have no account of him whatever from the honorable Senator. ras. I have a word more to say upon the merits of the case. The honorable Senator says there have been two European colonizations in this year, or within the last two or three years; one of them the Bay of Islands, and the other British HonduNow I do not know that; and I referred, the other day, to a speech of his own, made in 1848, in which he showed that three thousand troops had been marched out of the Balize by order of the colonial authorities there. The Balize is British Honduras. It is just as much a recolonization as it was a reestablishment of independence in the State of New York, when, about seven years ago, the people of that State exchanged their old constitution, which they did not like, for one As to the Bay which they liked a little better. of Islands, the British Government said, and say, one. In regard to the honorable Senator's vindication of himself for his censures of Mr. Adams within some eighteen or twenty months after his death, I have only to say this: If we allow the facts stated by the honorable Senator here to be true, if the Diary is authentic, if it was published by a relative of Mr. Adams-for which we have the honorable Senators assertion, and which I am not disposed to dispute-then it appears that Mr. Adams, instead of publishing to the world any such sentiments-and whether they be right or wrong, I am not now to speak-secreted them, and they period after his death, the honorable Senator brings lay for thirty years in the dust. Within this short extracts, which he censures so severely, from oblivion, or from the newspapers, into which an indiscreet friend, according to his own account, had placed them, and spreads them upon the records, the imperishable records, of the American Senate. Mr. CASS. No, no. Mr. SEWARD. They were spread upon the record by the honorable Senator here in debate. Mr. CASS. If the honorable Senator will look at the facts, he will find I took them from the publications of the day. Mr. SEWARD. I say so, certainly. He took them from the publications of the day, and transferred them here, and placed them in John C. Rives's record of the debates of the Senate of the United States, where they are to stand imperisha new and distinct able forever. He vindicates himself, by bringing the same record, and giving page, place, and repetition here to-day. That is his defense. Sir, as to the sentiments of John Quincy Adams on the subject of slavery, they were controverted, and the sentiments of the honorable Senator on the subject of slavery are controverted. There is a great issue of truth between them. We who are here are temporarily umpires between them, but we render no final judgment. The day is coming when we shall all be mingled with the dust with him. Then none of us will hold as honored a place in the estimation of mankind as John Quincy Adams. And when the honorable Senator from Michigan, and all around me, shall have been gathered to the tomb, I pray, not that he may not have friends and relatives so indiscreet as those of John Quincy Adams are represented to be; but, that if he shall have such indiscreet friends, the Senate will never be found to contain a statesman so unjust as to drag sentiments he may deem unworthy from secrecy, or from ephemeral life, and give them publicity and permanency in the history of the Senate and of the country. 32D CONG....2D SESS. Colonization in North America-Mr. Mallory. Mr. MALLORY. Mr. President, I desire to occupy the attention of the Senate upon the sub-minedly maintained; when it should no longer be ject, but I presume it will interfere with other objects which the Senate may have in view; and, therefore, I move to postpone the further consideration of the subject until to-morrow. Mr. SEWARD. I hope the honorable Senator will be allowed to proceed and close the speech -which he commenced on Monday. Mr. MALLORY. I move to postpone the further consideration of the resolution until tomorrow at one o'clock, in order that I may have an opportunity to close the remarks which I commenced the other day, and which may as well be closed upon this resolution as upon the bill then under consideration. Mr. SHIELDS. Will the Senator permit me to make a proposition to postpone this subject till next week? Mr. MALLORY. The honorable Senator will see the propriety of my motion. I commenced my remarks the day before yesterday, and I gave way then for the purpose of having an Executive session. My desire is simply to close those remarks, and I shall not occupy the attention of the Senate half an hour in doing so. Mr. SHIELDS. Perhaps the honorable Senator does not understand me. His remarks were upon another subject. We must dispose of the one now before the Senate before we can take up another. Mr. MALLORY. I ask that it may be postponed until to-morrow at one o'clock. Mr. SHIELDS. I was about to ask the honorable Senator to allow me to move to postpone this resolution until some convenient day next week. Mr. GWIN. I feel that I shall be compelled to make a motion to lay this resolution on the table. It is utterly impossible for us to transact the ordinary business of legislation unless we get it out of the way, and therefore I hope the Senator from Florida will go on to-day. I do not want to interrupt him, but I really wish to get at some practical legislation. * Mr. MALLORY. Then, if the Senate will indulge me, I will withdraw my motion, and proceed now. Several SENATORS. Very well. Mr. GWIN. And let us have the vote on the resolution, as soon as you shall have got through. Mr. HALE. Is this question disposed of? The PRESIDENT. It is not. The Senator from Florida is entitled to the floor upon it. Mr. SHIELDS. Is there any motion before the Senate? The PRESIDENT. The Senator from Florida has the floor. Mr. SHIELDS. I wish to move to postpone this resolutions until some day next week. The PRESIDENT. That motion is not in order without the consent of the honorable Senator from Florida, who has the floor. Mr. SHIELDS. That will not interfere with|| the honorable Senator. It is to accomplish the object he has in view. Let us postpone this subject until next week, and allow him to make his speech on his bill to-morrow. I would prefer that course, unless he intends to make a speech on this resolution. Mr. GWIN. Let us finish the resolution today. Mr. SHIELDS. I would suggest that we had better postpone it until next week. Several SENATORS. No, no. Cuba, should be deliberately adopted and detercommitted to partisan bands, to be used as a card by every aspirant for political power; but that the Powers of Europe should be made to understand that whatever party may rule the political destinies of this country, our Cuban policy is unchangeable. A glance at the map of the Mexican Gulf will exhibit the remarkable position of this island, not only with reference to the fertile Mexican States which border it-not only with reference to the commerce of Texas, Louisiana, Alabama, and Florida-but with reference to that vast and growing empire of the West, whose wealth seeks its outlet to a market through the Mississippi and its tributaries. This Gulf, in shape a demijohn upon its side, has for all practicable purposes of its commerce, like the Mediterranean, but one outlet; for although voyages may be made through the Yucatan pass, out into the Caribbean sea, and thence through the Mona pass to the Windward Islands, such voyages are at all times tedious, and are rarely attempted; and voyages out from the Gulf on the south side of Cuba are tedious, if not impracticable, from the opposing winds and currents, from January to April; and this is the season when the cotton crop and the agricultural wealth of the great West is upon the sea, threading its devious way to a market through the narrow pass between Cuba and the Florida shores. If our statistics are reliable, this commerce and navigation already reaches $300,000,000; and this aggregate is yet to be increased by our China trade; for we may fairly assume, that within twenty years every chest of tea and bale of silks, and every other article of our China trade, in the marketable value of which time is an important element, will come over the Isthmus of Tehuantepec and through the Florida Straits. The United States with their tobacco and cotton, and China with her silks and teas, are destined to carry on a trade far exceeding our present commerce with all the East. Tobacco is already growing into general use in China, and is destined to supplant the use of opium. Our raw cotton now goes three thousand miles across the sea, there to give employment to British industry, and thence to seek a market in Asia. Twenty years of commercial intercourse with China by ocean steamers, and a transit across the Isthmus of Tehuantepec must inevitably transfer to us this branch of trade, and it is one of great and growing value to us. The hills of Cuba overhang this vast and increasing wealth, and its people look down upon it as from sentry-boxes. The strait is but sixty miles wide, (available navigation,) and six steamers may bridge it across, and speak each other every fifteen minutes. The mouth of the Mississippi is not at the Balize, but here; and the north shores of Cuba is its right bank, as the Florida Keys form its left. SENATE speeches on the floors of Congress. For es coming from the State that I do, feeling a de interest in this question, having taken a deep to terest in it for years past, I do not wish to her? see the acquisition of the Island of Cuba discuss! in Congress. It is not necessary to discus : create public sentiment upon the subject. T mind of the country is made up upon it; and whe ever that "overruling necessity" comes, war has been referred to in the letter of our Secre of State, no Power on earth, no party in the con try, can perclude us from acquiring ourselves ar Island of Cuba. That overruling necessity will certainly be come, whenever we shall be at war with maritime nation of the earth-not particul with Britain, Spain, or France, but with any m Power. The reason is obvious: the cham through which the trade to which I have aims must pass, will afford a temptation to a marit nation beyond any other on the face of the a and if we were at war with any maritime Pee to-day, the ports upon the north side of Cur would be open to them, as they would be to a Neutral Spain would have a perfect right to ope her ports to both belligerents. And while opening of those ports would furnish retreat.p visions, and water, and everything that a manur. enemy of ours might want, they would not be the slightest use to us. We would then find Car! occupying the position which Florida did : former occasion, and we should find that that ruling necessity had then arrived; and no stre man in this country could sustain his reputate for an hour who would oppose the taking of the island. Hence I do not wish to see the question o cussed. Discussion is not essential to screw u the public mind upon that question. Any char in the condition of this country from peace bris with it, in my judgment, inevitably the Island Cuba. In connection with this subject, we freque hear the suggestion thrown out of acquiring Ca by purchase or otherwise, as if the acquisitio this colony were a mere question of dollars ei cents. In my judgment, the sooner we can abuse the public mind of this question of purce the better. It is an untenable idea; a false that has not a position in a single fact. Cat not for sale. There has been no time since when it could have been purchased. It never be purchased, so long as a stable Governmen a at the head of the Spanish nation, and the afari of Europe maintain anything like their pres position. In a season of anarchy, of revolution, of confusion, with some Prince of Peace, ste second Godoy, at the head of the Spanish atat, a Government de facto might be induced to se but under the present condition of things, a prope sition in the Spanish Cortes to sell "the eve faithful Island of Cuba" would drive every m in the Province of Catalonia to revolution. would drive any ministry from power, and mig destroy the reigning dynasty itself. If these statements are correct, and I challenge their refutation, with what propriety can a parallel be attempted between the relative value of Cuba and Canada to us, nationally? This view of the subject derives peculiar significance, not only from But though we cannot purchase Cuba, it is e the position recently assumed by France and Eng- dent to us, as it is to Europe, that Cuba is dy land towards Cuba, but from the geographical becoming Americanized; that the voices of 2 positions already occupied by the latter upon this free millions are finding their echoes in her continent. With that keen political forecast which and valleys; that the principles of our free insur has ever distinguished her statesmen, she. occu- tions, with that centrifugal force which they ha pies from the Öronoca to Yucatan, and thence to always exercised, cannot be resisted or controlčal the Bahamas, almost every salient or important by bayonets: nor can they be shut out by the point where a gun can be planted or a standard row strait which divides us. And it is as ener reared; and at the lone and distant Bermudas she to us as it is to Europe, that the independence d has an active naval rendezvous. From these com- Cuba, whether under our own or a similar form manding watch-towers, she looks out upon our of Government, is now merely a question of time passing wealth; and should she ever acquire a And hence the extraordinary position which hai naval position on the north shore of Cuba, in the recently been assumed by the two controlling Pev | present defenceless condition of the Florida Straits, ers of Europe on this subject; hence the extre and our pitiful naval force, the outlet of the Mis- dinary apprehension they have exhibited, the jaisissippi, with all the commerce and navigation of ous watchfulness on their part, which, in my the Gulf, would be as effectually sealed as if a con- judgment, not only betokens a well-founded appre vulsion of nature had reared up a mountain bar-hension, but which will tend to precipitate the con summation of that against which they wouldgur. Why, sir, the proposition to us, the freest peonit upon earth, to join in an unholy war upon the dawning hopes of Cuba-a war at variance wit our political origin, and every day of our political history-will meet the universal rejection of every patriot heart in this country; and thousands wis have never evinced the slightest interest in the Mr. MALLORY: I desire to close the remarks which I commenced the day before yesterday, as I have said they may as well be made on this resolution as on the bill which was then under consideration. When I brought those remarks to a close, I had adverted to so much of the subject as related to the commercial restrictions upon our trade with Cuba, and I had arrived at that branch of it which had exclusive reference to the political consequences which must, in my judgment, inev-rier before it. itably flow from the removal of the restrictions on our trade. And permit me to say here, sir, that I regard this subject as claiming the consideration of every patriot heart, and as far removed from party trammels and sectional or political bias. In my judgment, we have arrived at a period when our policy, with reference to the Island of By the resolutions now before the Senate, and by these discussions, the country has been awakened to the conviction that the public mind is dwelling upon the probability or necessity of acquiring the Island of Cuba; and this has been brought about by the private judgments of distinguished individuals, by the spirit of the public press, and by 32D CONG.....2D SESS. Colonization in North America—Messrs. Gwin and Hale. question, will find their hearts now swelling in ympathy with every action of a people whose olitical vassalage is thus sought to be perpetuated. No, sir; we can, thank Heaven, take no part in such unholy purpose; and I for one, wish to record my grateful acknowledgments to the distinguished Secretary of State for his letter on the subject. It s, in my judgment, the most "manifest-destiny" document that ever emanated from the State Department; it is the handwriting upon the wall. It plainly indicates the vigorous march of Young America upon these continents; and that in the paths of justice and right, guided by the spirit of peace, she can take no step backwards. The acquisition of Cuba, will, ere long, become to us a political necessity; and when it does, there will be no dissension among us upon the subject. This period may yet be far distant; but, one year before California was acquired, it appeared to be a half century further removed from us than Cuba. But, sir, whether she come under the proud folds of the stars and stripes or not, her proximity to freedom is perilous to her present rulers. In my judgment he his mistaken. Separate and apart from the pride of Spain in the possession of this, the brightest jewel in her crown, it is to her a source of great national advantages. Its trade is her school for seamen, and it is the only means she has of building up a merchant marine. The exchange of products between Cuba and Europe and ourselves now amounts to $51,000,000 a year, and this trade we have thrown away. Cuba gets all her flour, most of her manufactures of cotton, and her oils, and a vast amount of the products of Spain, from Spain. Spain takes hers in return. The province of Catalonia alone would raise an opposition, based upon a pecuniary interest, which would defeat any attempt to sell the Island of Cuba. SENATE. not wish, before he votes, to give his views upon the question. We have only about thirty days of the session remaining in which to legislate, and yet we have passed none of the important appropriation bills. Other measures of momentous importance to the country are before the Senate for consideration, and I feel it to be my duty to move the postponement of this subject until the 4th of March next; and on that motion I shall ask for the yeas and nays. Mr. HALE. I think it is hardly courteous in the honorable Senator from California to make such a motion. Mr. GWIN. I have not spoken upon it. Mr. HALE. I know the Senator has not spoken upon it, but he moves to postpone the I do not wish to detain the Senate. I throw subject until he has got rid of a considerable numout these matters as suggestions which must arise ber of gentlemen who are interested in it. [Laughin the mind of every reflecting Senator as to what ter.] I am exceedingly sorry that, after I have will be the inevitable political results of repealing been so unfortunate as to introduce a practical the restrictive laws, to which I have alluded, upon measure, it has been taken up by those gentleour commerce with Cuba. We have assumed a men who are so ambitious to display their oratorposition in this question which no other nation on ical powers upon it. The motion I introduced When we reflect on the obstacles which we earth has assumed. Why, we have practically was simply an amendment looking to Canada; have overcome; when we consider that we have said to Spain, "Although we have this boundless and I am prepared to show, notwithstanding seen the genius of our country passing the Mis- wealth, you shall not share in it; you shall not what the honorable Senator from Florida has said, sissippi, rearing up a boundless republic in the become purchasers of our products, unless you that, so far as the commerce of the country is West, crossing the Rocky Mountains, treading will permit us to carry goods into your colonies concerned, Canada is as four to one when comthe pathless wastes of California and Oregon, upon our own terms. "All the other manufactur-pared with Cuba. And when he speaks of the standing upon the distant shores of the Pacific, ing interests, all the other agricultural interests of outlet of the valley of the Mississippi, I must say and still looking southward; when we see all these, Europe have been invited to come and purchase; that I can show him that the produce of one half to doubt that the same mighty and peaceful prog- and the consequence is, as I showed the other of that very valley finds its way to market over ress which has accomplished these ends will day, that while we exported the year before last the lakes and through the New York canals. It shed over this beautiful garden at our feet the bless- but $11,000 worth of American products and is but a short time since I saw an account of the ings of free government, would be as unjust to manufactures in Spanish bottoms, Great Britain sale of flour in the Boston market which was Heaven as it is to ourselves. But it is a maxim exported $4,500,000 worth in the same time. raised in Virginia, and brought to market by way in which there is much political wisdom, that It is said to be to the advantage of the shipping of the northern lakes, and down over the VerHeaven helps those who help themselves. I do interest of this country to keep things precisely as mont Central railroad to Boston. Virginia flour not mean that we should literally help ourselves they are. I say it is only the apparent interest of found its way to Boston for a market by that to the Island of Cuba, but I do mean that we that class of our fellow-citizens, and if this bill is route; and I am told that the barrels were made should not cast aside the advantages of our geo- opposed in Congress, the opposition will come from of Virginia timber, and certainly the flour was graphical position, our boundless wealth, and that small shipping interest which engrosses the manufactured there. agricultural products, and manufactures, and legis-carrying-trade between the United States and Culate them directly into the hands of foreign competitors. Yet this has been the result of the act of 1834, which I seek to have repealed. While we have been expending immense sums to open the trade of Muscat, and Siam, and China, and while we have fitted out an expensive expedition to Japan, here at our doors the richest island upon the face of the earth, with a present trade of fifty-one millions, capable of sustaining a population of ten millions, an island of boundless resources, with rich mines, with scarcely any of her resources as yet developed, with only sixty miles of available navigation between her and our shores, has been neglected. We have contrived to legislate ourselves out of her market. Repeal the discriminating laws to which I have referred, and what will be the political consequences inevitably to follow? Let me ask those who have an eye to the acquisition of Cuba, if it is not better to begin in time, and invite her to our shores; inform her people that we do not exclude them; that we do not make a distinction between them and all other nations, Christian or Heathen. Examine your ports from Maine to the Rio Grande, and you will find but rarely the Spanish flag. The Cubans whom you see in this country are either exiles from home, or men of wealth attached to the Home Government, and, in either case, are not the best exponents of the popular feeling. You cannot see them, because you have legislated them out of the country. Now, remove the restrictions on trade with Cuba, and you will have the legitimate population, the merchants and traders of the island, the proper exponents of the wishes of that people, here among you. You will establish with hem the ties of commerce, and the ties of marriage. You will educate their children; you will send them abroad as proselytes of your institutions; you will teach them the value of the ballotpox, of trial by jury, of habeas corpus; in fact, you will hold up to them an image by which they can contrast their own political condition, and then, and when you shall have done this, the annexation of Cuba will have commenced. The honorable Senator from New York threw out an intimation that Cuba was an expense to the Spanish Government, as the colonies of England and France had formerly been to those countries. ba: a few vessels in Massachusetts, a few in New Let us, then, sir, avail ourselves of eighteen But to this I will not advert; the train of consequences is too evident. Let us remove our commercial restrictions, and leave the rapid strides of Young America to do the rest. Mr. GWIN. 1 know that there are a number of Senators who wish to address the Senate on this question before the vote is taken on the resolution. I know that a number of Senators claim the right of addressing the Senate, and therefore I move to postpone the further consideration of the resolution until the 4th of March next. I will give my reasons for it. We shall then have an Executive session, and we shall then have this subject properly before us. It is intended, I believe, for senatorial action alone, and not for the legislative action of the two Houses of Congress. It is well adapted to an Executive session, and there is scarcely a member of the Senate who does As this is a matter of so much importance, I hope we shall have a vote upon it. The honorable Senator from Michigan certainly did not introduce his resolution for the purpose of making a speech. I know I did not introduce my amendment for that purpose. The Senator from Michigan and myself are practical men, both of us. Mr. CASS. Exactly. Mr. HALE. And we want votes instead of speeches upon the propositions which we have submitted to the Senate. Mr. CASS. We do not want any more speeches. [Laughter.] Mr. HALE. No, sir; and I will agree to give way, although I have a great many things to say to the Senate. I see the Senator from California wants to get on the locomotive, and ride west, and I am willing to allow him to do so. I shall not delay him. I shall forego the satisfaction it would give, both to myself and the Senate, to make a speech upon the subject, for the purpose of having a vote. And the first vote, let it be remembered, will not be upon the resolutions of the Senator from Michigan, but upon the motion to refer, made by the Senator from Kentucky, [Mr. DIXON.] If it shall be agreed to, it is probable the Committee on Foreign Relations will give us a luminous report; and when their report shall be under consideration, it will be the proper time to make speeches. Mr. BUTLER. I think so; and I am reserving myself for that." Mr. HALE. I am told by the Senator from South Carolina, that he has been keeping himself in reserve in the same way that I have been, for the report. I think that is the time when the speeches should be made, and I hope the vote will be taken upon the reference. Mr. SEWARD. I have a note from the honorable Senator from Alabama, [Mr. CLEMENS,] who is detained from his seat by sickness, asking me to obtain the consent of the Senate to postpone the consideration of this resolution until next Tuesday, at which time he hopes to be able to address the Senate upon it. Mr. MANGUM. I am glad to hear from the gentleman from New Hampshire, and to hear the remarks assented to by the honorable Senator from Michigan, that they are both practical men. Now, I desire to cut out a little practical work for |