Effect of the war on pacifists seen their error, and are now among the most patriotic of our American citizens; but with others their pacifism is in a state of suspended animation; and the vast majority have advanced only so far as to aver that this war must be won in order to end all wars-the old bogy which has cropped up in the case of practically every long and exhausting war in the course of human history. More ominous, however, they have learned nothing from their past errors concerning their own fallibility of judgment, and they now seem confident that they are to be the ones who alone are to constitute the council for settling terms of peace at the conclusion of the war, and with it the after-war problems. Still other pacifists remained in status quo and were found ready to lend their aid to Germany by prattling of peace and demanding of the allied governments that they should declare their peace terms even more definitely, and at a time when, with the Huns still at large, all talk of peace was abhorrent. These offenders have seen to it that their speeches were timed in exact synchronism with the Kaiser's need of peace propaganda (16). They were ably seconded by many others distributed in the various allied countries, who were found urging that all hatred of the Hun be suppressed and that the Sermon on the Mount, literally interpreted, should be our guide in concluding terms of peace. With the irruption of Bolshevikism, which is spreading from its Russian origins over Europe and crossing the Atlantic, the pacifists are flocking to its standard. REFERENCES 1. SCHEVILL, FERDINAND, Germany and the Peace of Europe, pp. 15, Germanistic Society, Chicago, No. 1, 1914. 2. THOMPSON, JAmes Westfall, Russian Diplomacy and the War, pp. 1-16, ibid., No. 11. 3. MCDONALD, JAMES G., German "Atrocities" and International Law, pp. 16, ibid., No. 6. 4. BURGESS, JOHN W., The Causes of the European Conflict, pp. 15, ibid., No. 2, 1914 (?). 5. Hearing before a Sub-committee of the Committee on Military Affairs, pp. 1178, 64th Congr., 2nd Sess., S. 1695, 1917. 6. LANE, RALPH NORMAN Angell (Norman ANGELL), The Great Illusion, pp. 388, New York, Putnam, 1910. 7. JORDAN, David Starr, War and Manhood, pp. 61-71, Nat. Educ. Ass'n, Proceedings and Addresses, vol. xxxviii., 1910. 8. JORDAN, DAVID STARR, The Teacher and War (Presidential Address), ), pp. 38-48, ibid., vol. xliii., 1915. 9. BRYAN, William Jennings, The Proposal of a League to Enforce Peace, Inter. Concil., No. 106, Sept., 1916. Mr. Bryan's Peace Plan, World Peace Foundation, 1913. Also, The Forces that Make for Peace, Addresses, ibid., 1912. Also, Mr. Bryan's Defense, pp. 645-662, New York Times "Cur. Hist.," vol. ii., 1915. 9a. MAYER, WILLIAM ROSCOE, History-"Quick or Dead," Atl. Monthly, Nov., 1918, pp. 635-643. 10. II. 12. New York Times, July 31, 1918. See also, HARRÉ, T. EVERETT, "Shadow Huns and Others," Nat. Civ. Federation Review, Dec. 5, 1918. "Ford Assailed as Foe's Dupe," Detroit Free Press, June 23, 1918 (City ed.), and June 30, 1918 (Michigan ed.). North American Review's War Weekly, August 3, 1918. 13. VEBLEN, THORSTEIN, An Inquiry into the Nature of Peace and the Terms of its Perpetuation, pp. 367, New York, Macmillan, 1917 (publication stopped, cf. Detroit Free Press, Feb. 10, 1918, and New York Times, March 17, 1918). 14. BARBUSSE, HENRI, Under Fire (Le Feu), pp. 358, New York, Dutton, 1917. 15. ECKENFELDER, Major, New York Times, May 19, II., 2: 6. 16. New York Times, August 1, 1918. 17. HORNADAY, WILLIAM T., Awakel America, Object Lessons and Warning, pp. 197, published under the auspices of the American Defense Soc., New York, Moffat, 1918. 18. Official Documents Looking toward Peace, Series I and II, pp. 44 and 27, International Conciliation, Nos. 110-111, 1917. 19. CHÉRADAME, ANDRÉ, "Pacifism as an Auxiliary of Pan-Germanism," pp. 275-285, Atlantic Monthly, Aug., 1918. 20. 21. VAN TYNE, CLAUDE H., "Norman Angell," New York Sun, Dec. 6, 1915; "Pacifists Scored for War Vagaries," Detroit Free Press, April 15, 1917. "The Caillaux Case," New York Times, Mag. Sec., Jan. 20, 1918. 22. HOBBS, W. H., "The American Intellectual and the War," Detroit Free Press, April 7, 1918 (also in New York Tribune). 23. New York Times, Aug. 6, 1915, 9: 3. 24. KIPLING, RUDYARD, The Five Nations, pp. 213, New York, Doubleday, 1903. 25. GEROULD, Katharine FULLERTON, The Remarkable Rightness of Mr. Kipling, pp. 12-21, Atl. Month., January, 1919. PACIFIST, PRO-GERMAN, OR ANTI-ENGLISH LITERATURE 26. HILLQUIT, MORRIS, Socialism in Theory and Practice, pp. 361, New York, Macmillan, 1910. 27. JASTROW, JOSEPH, "A Pacifist's Defense of America's War," pp. 199-208, North Am. Rev., Aug., 1917. 28. KREHBIEL, E., "Is Nationalism an Anachronism?" pp. 247–250, Survey, vol. xxxvi., 1916. 29. KREHBIEL, E., America and the New World State, pp. 305, New York, Putnam, 1915. 30. A British Statesman (Francis Nielson), How Diplomats Make War, pp. 382, New York, Huebsch, 1916 (pernicious antiEnglish propaganda). 31. STODDARD, LOTHROP, and FRANK, GLENN, Stakes of the War, pp. 377, New York, Century, 1918. (Clever pro-German propaganda. Statistics very misleading.) 32. ANON., Philip Dru, Administrator, a Story of To-morrow, 19201935, pp. 312, New York, B. W. Huebsch, 1912. (The author, who the publisher intimates is a political boss and "a man prominent in political councils," makes his hero become president and dictator of the United States, in which office he rewrites the constitution along socialist lines and eventually, through a system of intrigue masked as democracy, reorganizes the world according to the Pan-German program.) XIV "PEACE WITHOUT VICTORY " “We accepted the war for an object, a worthy object. The war will end when that object is obtained. Under God, I hope it will not end before that time."-ABRAHAM LINCOLN, in reply to a proffered "peace without victory" between North and South. In a "One is frequently asked whether France is tired of the war. sense she is, as is the whole world, including those who instigated it. But France has left others to prate of peace. Those waves of gray, helmeted men who twice have swept Northern France leaving a spume of blood on their inevitable retreat, have to reckon with a spiritual force which they neither understand nor consider at its proper value."-NINA L. DURYEA, September, 1918. "Our aims are the same as President Wilson's. What he is longing for, we are fighting for, our sons and brothers are risking their lives for, and we mean to secure it."-Speech of ANDREW BONAR LAW of the British Cabinet on January 24, 1916, in reply to President Wilson's "Peace without Victory" message. "Before the war one of our easy theories was that the devil was almost extinct-that he was only the child of misfortune or accident, and that we should abolish him by passing ringing resolutions against him. That has proved an expensive miscalculation. We find now that the devil is very much alive, and very much what he always was-that is to say, immensely industrious, a born organizer, and better at quoting Scripture for his own ends than most honest men. His industry and organization we all can deal with, but more difficult to handle is his habit of quoting Scripture as soon as he is in difficulties."-RUDYARD KIPLING, 1918. THE "Peace without Victory" an alluring 'HERE is much that is alluring about the catchphrase "peace without victory," particularly to communities having the heritage of Christian teachings centered about the literal interpretation of the Sermon on the Mount, catch-phrase with its doctrines of non-resistance and forgiveness of enemies. More than we realize, England and America could trace their pacifism to the literature of church and Sunday school instruction; for "peace without victory" is the very foundation of all our war-time pacifism. The part of the churches in AngloSaxon countries in unwittingly fostering pacifism is a story that has never been told, though in his Atlantic article with the expressive title "Peter Sat by the Fire Warming Himself," the Reverend Joseph H. Odell has supplied the introduction (1). Peace without victory merely temporary Were a permanent peace without victory at all possible, it would have much to recommend it; but I propose to show, what all history confirms, that peace without victory has always meant a breathing spell in which to prepare for a still greater conflict. What might perhaps be considered an exception to this rule our war with England in 1812-is so in appearance rather than in fact, since all conditions of that conflict were abnormal. The United States had quite as much cause to be at war with France as with England, and that she was not actually fighting France is to be explained by her gratitude for French aid during the Revolutionary War, as well as by the rancor against England which still survived from that conflict. In fighting England she threw in her lot to aid the cause of autocracy against democracy in the great struggle of Napoleon for domination of Europe; and it was because England had that |