Europa of the Allies and the Project of Paul Claudel," pp. 89-91, New York, 1918. 27. JOHNSON, D. W., “The Rôle of Political Boundaries," Geogr. Rev., vol. iv., 1917, pp. 208-213. 28. CORNISH, Vaughan, Naval and Military Geography of the British Empire (considered in relation to the war with Germany), pp. 140, London, Rees, 1916. 29. LODGE, HENRY CABOT, Speech in the Senate of the United States, Aug. 23, 1918, pp. 5-7, Washington, 1918. 30. Official Documents looking toward Peace, Series 1 and 2, Jan.-Feb., 1917, International Conciliation, Nos. 110-111, pp. 40 and 27. 31. PUTNAM, RUTH, Alsace-Lorraine from Cæsar to Kaiser, 58 B.C.,1871 A.D. (with maps), pp. 208, New York, Putnams, 1915. 32. HANSI, L'histoire d'Alsace, pp. 102 (humorous), Paris, Floury, 1915. 33. ROLLESTON, T. W., Ireland and Poland, a Comparison, pp. 22, London, Unwin, 1917. 34. NAUMANN, FRIEDRICH, Central Europe (trans)., pp. 354, London, King, 1916. 35. HEADLAM, J. W., The Dead Lands of Europe, pp. 331, New York, Doran. 36. RAMSAY, Sir Wм., “A War of Commerce to Follow," pp. 189– 192, New York Times, "Current History," vol. ii., 1915. 37. HEADLAM, J. W., The Issue, pp. 159, Boston, Houghton, 1917. 38. TOYNBEE, Arnold J., Turkey, a Past and a Future, pp. 85, New York, Doran, 1917. 39. British Palestine Committee, Palestine, a tract of 26 pages issued Nov. 24, 1917. 40. MOULTON, HAROLD GLENN, The War and Industrial Readjustment, pp. 15, Univ. of Chicago war papers, No. 5, April, 1918. 41. HAUSER, HENRI, Economic Germany, pp. 33, London, Nelson, 1915. 42. GARDINER, J. B. W., German Plans for the Next War, pp. 129, New York, Doubleday, 1918. 43. WETTERLÉ, ABBÉ, Behind the Scenes in the Reichstag, pp. 256, New York, Doran, 1918. 44. ZIMMERN, A. A., The Economic Weapon, pp. 13, New York, Doran, 1918. 45. MCCURDY, CHARLES A., M.P., A Clean Peace, the War Aims of British Labour, complete text of the official war aims memorandum of the Inter-Allied Labour and Socialist Conference held in London, Feb. 23, 1918, pp. 26, New York, Doran, 1918. 46. HERZOG, S., The Future of German Industrial Exports, pp. 196, New York, Doubleday, 1918. 47. CVIJIC, JOVAN, "The Geographical Distribution of the Balkan Peoples," Geogr. Rev., vol. v., 1918, pp. 345–361, 48. ROMER, EUGENIUS, "Poland, the Land and the State," Geogr. Rev., vol. iv., 1917, pp. 6–25. 49. WALLIS, B. C., "The Peoples of Austria," ibid., vol. vi., 1918, pp. 52-65. 50. GALLOIS, LUCIEN, "Alsace-Lorraine and Europe," ibid., vol. vi., 1918, pp. 89-115. 51. BECK, JAMES M., The Reckoning, a discussion of the moral aspects of the peace problem and of retributive justice as an indispensable element, pp. 225, New York, Putnams, 1918. 52. CHÉRADAME, ANDRÉ, The Essentials of an Enduring Victory (with maps), pp. 259, New York, Scribners, 1918. 53. EDWARDS, George WhaRTON, Alsace-Lorraine, Penn Publishing Co., 1918. 54. BASHFORD, J. L. (Translator), The Hatzfeldt Letters, New York, Dutton, 1905, p. 278. 55. Royal Society of Literature, The Political Aims of the British 56. RÉPUBLIQUE FRANÇAISE, Tableau des Conditions Économique de la Paix Allemande, pp. 41, Paris, Imp. Nat., 1918. 57. HAUSER, HENRI, Les Régions Économiques, Préface de M. Clementel, pp. 75, Paris, Grasset, 1918. (Plan to organize reconstruction.) 58. BECKER, CARL L. (Compiler), America's War Aims and Peace Program, pp. 52, Com. Pub. Inf., No. 21, Nov., 1918. 59. SIMONDS, FRANK H., “Problems of Peace," pp. 33–41, Independent, Jan., 1919. 60. REUSS, RODOLPH ERNEST, Histoire d'Alsace, pp. 371, Paris, Boivin, 1912 (6th ed.). 61. VIDAL DE LA BLANCHE, PAUL, La France de l'est (Alsace-Lorraine), pp. 280, Paris, Colin, 1918. XVIII INTERNATIONALISM VERSUS A LEAGUE OF THE DEMOCRATIC NATIONS "It [Internationalism] is an attempt to reduce all integers to ciphers and then add them up and find the sum of perfection. It hopes to make everybody a nobody, and then suddenly produce the perfect man and the perfect state."-WILLIAM E. ELLIS. "The rule of law and the equality of all before it, an untrammeled and compelling public opinion, self-government as against autocracy and bureaucracy, the absence of a military spirit and caste, and the stress laid upon individual right as against the undue claims of a state, are some of the fundamental features uniting in one common civilization all the English-speaking peoples."-GEORGE Louis Beer. "The British Empire is not founded on might or force, but on moral principles on principles of freedom, equality, and equity. It is these principles which we stand for to-day as an Empire in this mighty struggle."-GEN. JAN CHRISTIAN SMUTS. THE "We must be free or die, who speak the tongue That Shakespeare spake; the faith and morals hold The world 'HE war has been a great educator, and the questions of greatest moment to-day are, first, in how far the knowledge gained is to be permanent; and, second, what proportion of our people have been affected by this salutary course of instruction. war an educator If we look back over our history for the answer, the result is far from encouraging. Again and again have disasters enforced lessons, and though these were to some extent appreciated at the time, such knowledge has not generally survived its generation against the assaults of the Fourth of July orator and the professional pacifist barn-stormer built on the Bryan model. International pacifism For the moment the word pacifist has become unpopular; now that those who did not raise their boys to be soldiers, have seen them, all too late ism the new for any early issue of the war, departing from their homes for the front. But what's in a name, after all? Will not internationalist serve as well, and without drawing attention to its now unpopular antecedents? perennial It would seem almost as though pacifism is peculiar to no race or time, but is, rather, something constituPacifism is tional depending upon a paucity of red corpuscles in the blood-a kind of pernicious mental and moral anæmia-and hence not cured by even the most powerful of remedies; but, like that dread disease, characterized by an optimism which nothing can shake. war" Every long and exhausting war, if we may trust the historians, has brought with it a wave of aversion for The "last war, with which has come inevitably the conviction that it is the last war of the long series. Being, then, the last war, there is of course no reason why visionary schemes which the past has conclusively shown to be impracticable, may not now, under the wholly changed conditions, become the great cure-alls for human ills. The condition when the series of wars between the rival Mediterranean states of antiquity had come to their end is thus described by Admiral Mahan: "When Carthage fell and Rome moved onward, without an equal enemy against whom to guard, to the dominion in the fall of Rome of the world of Mediterranean civilization, she approached and gradually realized the reign of universal peace, broken only by those intestine social and political dis- The warning sensions which are finding their dark analogues in our modern times of infrequent war. As the strife between nations of that civilization died away, material prosperity, general cultivation and luxury flourished, while the weapons dropped nervelessly from their palsied arms. The genius of Cæsar, in his Gallic and Germanic campaigns, built up an outside barrier, which like a dike for centuries postponed the inevitable end, but which also, like every artificial barrier, gave way when the strong masculine impulse which first erected it had degenerated into that worship of comfort, wealth, and general softness, which is the ideal of the peace prophets of to-day. The wave of the invaders broke in-the rains descended, the floods came, the winds blew, and beat upon the house, and it fell, because not founded upon the rock of virile reliance upon strong hands and brave hearts to defend what was dear to them." (1.) Psychology of pacifists We It seems, according to the psychology of the late pacifists, that the thing which could not possibly happen, did happen, and, for this reason, it could not have been foreseen by anyone, however wise—even by the pacifists themselves. are now, therefore, facing the exception which merely proves the rule that wars cannot be waged in modern times by reason of the great expense, the great derangement of the economic system, etc., as duly set down aforetime by Norman Angell, et al. The least common The formula of the pacifist seems now to be that national ideals, built as they are upon cultures which have their roots far back in the past, are to be given up; and hereafter all is to be thrown into a common receptacle. multiple of nationalities |