said that traitors were "becoming numerous," whether treason was, or was not, "respectable," adding: "But God being willing, whether traitors be many or few, as I have hitherto waged war against traitors and treason, and in behalf of the government which was constructed by our fathers, I intend to continue it to the end." This timely and emphatic declaration was enthusiastically applauded by the galleries. Mr. Sherman of Ohio avowed his purpose to vote for the resolution, and make the acts of the President as legal and valid as if they had the previous and express sanction of Congress. "I vote for these measures," he said, " and I approve them all the more because the taking of them involved the President in some personal hazard." Mr. Trumbull, however, chairman of the Committee on the Judiciary, declared he could never vote for the resolution, and, Mr. King of New York expressing the belief that it could not be acted upon in the House, it was not further pressed. Mr. Wilson, from the Committee on Military Affairs, reported several other bills relating to the organization of the military forces, which passed both houses, and received the sanction of the President. A bill, so opportune and, as the event proved, so important, was introduced by Mr. Johnson of Tennessee, making an appropriation for arming loyal citizens in disloyal States. The bill was promptly reported back, by Mr. Wilson, from the Military Committee, and two millions of dollars were thus appropriated. From that appropriation Mr. Stanton took the responsibility, at a most critical period, of making a loan to Governor Morton of Indiana, for putting troops in the field, when the dispersion of the legislature of that State had left him without means. Near the close of the session Mr. Wilson introduced a bill providing that every officer of the naval and military forces who, having resigned, should leave his post before his resignation was accepted, should be declared a deserter. The bill also provided for the abolishment of flogging in the army for desertion. On motion of Mr. Hale, the word "desertion" was stricken out, so that by the passage of this bill flogging was abolished in the army, as it had been in the navy. On the 5th of August Mr. Wilson introduced a bill increasing the pay of non-commissioned officers and privates from eleven to fifteen dollars per month. On his motion it was so amended as to make legal and valid the acts, proclamations, and orders of the President respecting the army and navy. In the House the bill was amended, on motion of Mr. Stevens of Pennsylvania, so as to increase the pay of privates in the army from eleven to thirteen, instead of fifteen, dollars. Mr. Vallandigham moved to strike out that portion of the bill legalizing the acts of the President, but his motion received but nineteen votes. The bill then passed the House, but was laid on the table in the Senate. Mr. Wilson then introduced a new bill, increasing the pay of privates in the army to thirteen dollars a month, and, on his motion, the bill was so amended as to legalize the acts and proclamations of the President, respecting the army and navy, in calling out the militia and volunteers. Rice of Minnesota, Latham and McDougall of California, Democratic members, voted thus to legalize the acts of the President, though five Democratic Senators voted against it; and what failed as a bill was passed as an amend ment. On the 2d of August Mr. Cox of Ohio introduced in the House, by unanimous consent, a resolution of sympathy for the bereaved friends and families of soldiers who had fallen in defence of the Republic. It acknowledged in grateful and graceful terms "the faithful services and loyal devotion of our soldiers who have fought and fallen in defending our flag and in vindicating the supremacy and majesty of the Republic. Whether successful, or compelled by the overwhelming numbers of the enemy to resign a victory already won, their graves are honored, and history invests their names with unfading renown. And while the national legislature expresses the sympathy of the nation for their bereaved families and friends, we commend to a generous people and the army, which is now eager to resume the contest, the imperishable honor of their example." This resolution received the unanimous vote of both houses. CHAPTER XVIII. SLAVES USED FOR MILITARY PURPOSES MADE FREE. Original purposes of the war. Republican avowals. Vote of the House. The impracticability of such a policy. Slaves made contraband of war. General Butler. - Letter of Secretary of War. - Northern misapprehension. - Slaves made useful to the Rebels. Bill of Mr. Trumbull for confiscation. - Amendment making free the slaves employed by Rebels. - Debate thereon. — Breckinridge, Trumbull, Wilson, McDougall, Ten Eyck, Pearce. — Passed the Senate. Reported in the House. - Debate. — Bingham, Bennett, Crittenden. - New and difficult question. - Diven's proposition. -Speech of Thaddeus Stevens. Bill recommitted. Reported again and passed. — Beginning of the end. --- "MAN proposes, but God disposes." Seldom have these words of the good Thomas à Kempis received a more marked exemplification than was afforded by the purposes, progress, and final outcome of the late war of the Rebellion. From the President downward all were ready to admit that as it advanced it assumed dimensions and characteristics, developed dangers and duties, that both greatly surprised and rendered necessary policies which had been not only not avowed, but clearly disavowed. In nothing was this more manifest than in the matter of slavery. It had been asserted in the plat form of the Republican party on which President Lincoln had been elected; it had been proclaimed by him in his message, and by other forms of utterance; and it had been reiterated by prominent members of the party, that no ulterior designs upon the system were entertained. It was asseverated, too, in the most emphatic and solemn manner, that the war itself had but one object, the vindication of the authority of the government and the preservation of the Union. As late as the 11th of February, 1861, the House of Representatives adopted the resolution, without one dissenting vote, "That neither Con gress, nor the people or government of the non-slaveholding States, have a constitutional right to legislate upon or interfere with slavery in any slaveholding State of the Union." Nor is it doubtful that this purpose was as sincere as it was publicly and even legislatively announced. For, whatever may have been the personal views and convictions, hopes and fears, of its members, policy seemed to demand of the administration that the Unionists of the border States should, if possible, be reassured as to its pacific purposes towards them and their special interests, and be convinced that they could remain loyal to the Union without putting in peril their cherished system. It is not enough, however, to say, nor does it fully explain the serious complications of the contest, that Northern men were restrained from interfering with what were claimed to be the rights of the slave-masters by mere constitutional scruples and an unwillingness to embarrass the Unionists of the border slave States. The plain historic truth is, and it should be borne in mind, that the proslavery or conservative sentiments of the country were by no means confined to the slave States. They too largely pervaded not merely the North, but the Republican party as well. Large numbers whose loyalty to the Union was unquestioned, who joined the Republican party because of that loyalty, and who would make any sacrifices to maintain the government, had no real sympathy with antislavery. They had learned to distrust and dread the longer domination of the Slave Power over the nation, sighed for a release from its disgraceful and dangerous control, and were honestly opposed to slavery extension, but they had no very strong desires for the emancipation of the slaves. They would accept Abolition rather than disunion, but they did not desire it. The prejudices against the negro-the growth of two generations-could not be so easily dispelled, and the convictions of his inferiority, that had been so often and so earnestly inculcated from every quarter during the long antislavery conflict, could not be at once unlearned. The soldier who wished it to be understood that he enlisted for the Union, and "not to fight for the nigger"; the Union-loving but conservative lady, who was "willing" the slaves should be freed, if that was necessary, were representatives of large numbers in all the free States,-how large a proportion Omniscience only knows. Mr. Lincoln was sharply criticised for his famous utterance to Mr. Greeley because of its seeming indifference to the sad necessities of the slave. "My paramount object," he said, "is to save the Union, and not either to save or destroy slavery. If I could save the Union without freeing any slave, I would do it; if I could save it by freeing all the slaves, I would do it; and if I could save it by freeing some, and leaving others alone, I would do it." If in these words the President did not represent the majority of his party, the failure lay rather in his not expressing reluctance in view of even the apprehended necessity of touching slavery at all, than in taking too advanced a position. Doubtless the army of freedom had been largely increased by the addition of those who accepted in good faith its principles, and were earnest in their support. Though coming in at the eleventh hour, they labored heartily for its triumph. Relieved from constitutional scruples which had hitherto held them back, and thoroughly cured by the atrocities with which the Rebellion had been inaugurated and by which it was accompanied of all sympathy with the slave-masters, they found themselves prepared, with more teachable spirits, to learn the lessons of the war, and accept as practical principles the primal rights of man. The fires that had burned up their prejudices and destroyed the sophistries of the past had so illumined the characters in which those lessons were written, that they found it less difficult to read them aright and to accept the conclusions to which they led. They, especially, who believed in a superintending Providence, and found in the Christian Scriptures their religious faith, rules, and motives of action, saw more clearly the national complicity with the sin of slavery, and were ready, as never before, to accept their teachings who contended that the nation could not rationally hope for victory until that sin was repented of and put away. The number, however, who were prepared thus thoughtfully, dispassionately, and wisely to reason, it is to be feared, were in a minority, even of those who voted the Republican ticket, |