highest ability, the most consummate skill, and the most unbending devotion to the honor and welfare of their country. In the treaty finally established, every point for which the United States had contended was secured with the single exception of a stipulation on the subject of impressment: but, when it is remembered that silence on this topic was granted, at the express desire of the British Cabinet, (for they were, in reality, the negotiators in this matter,) who had first asserted, and always, up to that time, exercised the right; and, moreover, that the instructions of our own government expressly authorized them, previous to opening the negotiation, "to omit any stipulations upon this subject," with the express understanding that it was not the "intention of the United States to admit the British claim thereon, or to relinquish that of the United States"-it will be deemed no slight triumph that the request for silence came from the nation which had, ever before, solemnly proclaimed her pretensions, and uniformly carried them into practical effect. The treaty was received in the United States with the greatest favor. All through the country it was regarded as a noble vindication of the honor and interests of the nation, and as a signal triumph over British insolence and cupidity. It spread universal joy throughout the land, while it was received in England with the most open and violent complaints. It was declared, in some of the leading London journals, that the British Commissioners had conducted the negotiation under fear of some of the great European powers, who had, at the Congress of Vienna, manifested an intention to uphold the principles in defence of which the United States had been contending. The Times acknowledged that England had "attempted to force their principles on America and had failed: we have retired from the combat with the stripes yet

bleeding on our back: scarcely is there an American ship or war which has not to boast of a victory over the British flagscarcely one British ship in thirty or forty that has beaten an American." The same paper of a subsequent date contradicts the report, industriously circulated by interested persons, of rejoicings of the people on learning the terms of the treaty. Another leading London journal says, that the treaty "forms a deplorable contrast with the high-sounding threats of a part of the public press. The waiving of some rights and the mere retention of others, is a miserable finale to a war that, we were told, must not cease until the Americans had been confoundedly well flogged;' which, it was boasted, must dismember the Union, overthrow the government, and sweep the American navy from the ocean." A third calls loudly upon the Prince Regent not to ratify so "disgraceful" a treaty "it is inconsistent with common sense," they say, "to deny that our naval reputation has been blasted in this short but disastrous war; it is inconsistent with the spirit and feelings of Englishmen not to regret that the means of retrieving that reputation are cut off by a premature and inglorious peace." And, in the upper House, Lord WELLESLY, known as one of the most bitter enemies of America on the floor of Parliament, denounced the British Cabinet for having "advanced claims in the negotiation which they could not support, and were obliged to withdraw: for refusing to accept the mediation of Russia; and for the wanton destruction of the public buildings at Washington;" and confessed that "the American Commissioners had shown the most astonishing superiority over the British in the negotiation" at Ghent. The effect of the treaty was to revive business of all kinds in America, and to instantly advance American credit abroad: while at London funds kept on a dead and heavy

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level, instead of rising from 10 to 15 per cent. as had been confidently anticipated by the friends of peace.

Immediately after the close of the negotiations at Ghent, Mr. CLAY repaired to Paris, where he spent several weeks with Mr. CRAWFORD, our Minister there. He met here Madame DE STAEL, and many other eminent personages of the day, and in March, 1815, left Paris for England. He arrived in England before any of the other American Commissioners, and mingled in the highest social and political circlesthough his repugnance to the formalities of a Court presentation, prevented him from seeing the Prince Regent. He was in London at the time of the Battle of Waterloo, and witnessed the splendid illuminations, bonfires and general rejoicings to which that event gave rise. At a dinner given by Lord CASTLEREAGH, Lord LIVERPOOL asked him if NAPOLEON-who, it was thought, might have fled to Americawould not give his countrymen much trouble. "None whatever," said Mr. CLAY: "we shall be glad to receive him, and will soon make a good democrat of him." During his stay in England, Mr. CLAY became intimately acquainted with Sir JAMES MACKINTOSH, Sir SAMUEL ROMILLY, and other eminent British statesmen, and spent a week with his friend, Lord GAMBIER, at his residence near Windsor Castle.

Mr. CLAY returned to the United States in September, 1815, and was received with the greatest regard by the people, whose rights he had so ably and so nobly aided to defend. Soon after his arrival, the compliment of a public dinner was given to himself and Mr. GALLATIN, in New York; and in his own State the liveliest demonstrations of rejoicing greeted his return. The Board of Trustees of Lexington-the town where

he had long resided-waited upon him, formally to present their thanks for his eminent services in behalf of his country, and to express the feelings of joy with which they welcomed him again among them. In his reply to their very flattering compliments, Mr. CLAY said, that, "during a great part of the negotiation which terminated in the treaty of Ghent, our duty was limited to the simple rejection of inadmissible terms proposed by the Ministers of Great Britain. The time will never arrive when any American minister can justly acquire honor for performing a duty so obvious as that always must be, of refusing to subscribe to disgraceful conditions of peace." On the 7th of October the citizens of the same town gave him a public dinner, at which, in reply to a toast complimentary to the American negotiators, he made some brief and eloquent remarks concerning the circumstances under which the treaty had been concluded, and the general condition of the country, both at the commencement and the close of the war. At the same festival, in reply to a toast highly complimentary to himself, he thanked the company for their kind and affectionate attention. His reception, he said, had been more like that of a brother than a common friend or acquaintance, and he was utterly incapable of finding words to express his gratitude. He compared his situation to that of a Swedish gentleman, at a festival in England, given by the Society for the Relief of Foreigners in Distress. A toast having been given, complimentary to his country, it was expected that he should address the company in reply. Not understanding the English language, he was greatly embarrassed, and said to the Chairman: "Sir, I wish you, and this Society, to consider me a Foreigner in Distress." "So," said Mr. CLAY, evidently much affected, "I wish you to consider me a friend in distress."

Even in anticipation of his return, Mr. CLAY had been reelected, by his district, a member of the House of Representatives; but, as some doubts were expressed of the legality of the election, he promptly resigned his seat, and was again chosen without opposition. On the 4th of December, 1815, the Fourteenth Congress met, in its first session; and, upon the first balloting for Speaker, Mr. CLAY received eightyseven, out of one hundred and twenty-two votes cast; thirteen being the highest number given for any one of the five opposing candidates. He was, at this time, just recovering from a serious indisposition, but accepted the office in a brief and appropriate speech, acknowledging the honor conferred upon him, and pledging his best efforts for the proper discharge of its duties. Out of the 182 members of the House, 177 belonged to the Republican party; while in the Senate there were 24 Republicans and 12 Federalists. The condition of the country, at the opening of the session, called for the exercise of all the wisdom and energy of her National Legislature. We had just gone through an arduous war with the most powerful nation on the earth: it had been waged successfully; had conferred high renown upon our arms, and had terminated in an honorable and satisfactory treaty of peace. But it had involved the nation in extreme suffering, and the price of the contest was now to be paid. The amount of the Public Debt was as follows:

But the extent of this debt by no means measured the injury which the country had sustained. Previous to the com