vote for a term of three years. Departmental Assemblies were also provided for, while the municipalities were to be governed by Mayors and bodies of Councilmen.

The Constitution, completed about the middle of February, 1901, was formally presented to General Wood, the American Military Governor of Cuba, for transmission to President McKinley. The approval of the American Congress was necessary before it could be promulgated. But the United States Government saw clearly that the instrument must be made to include certain guarantees as to the future relations between the United States and Cuba. As it stood, there was not an expression of gratitude to the American liberators, not the least recognition of the big brother to the north. The Congress of the United States acted promptly. Senator O. H. Platt, of Connecticut, offered an historic amendment to the Army Appropriation Bill, which was then pending.

II

This so-called Platt Amendment was quickly accepted by the American Government as a satisfactory definition of the future relations between the two countries. The preamble authorized the President of the United States to withdraw from the military occupation of Cuba "so soon as a government shall have been established in said island under a Constitution which, either as a part thereof or in an ordinance appended thereto, shall define the future relations of the United States with Cuba, substantially as follows:

"First-That the Government of Cuba shall never enter into any treaty or other compact with any foreign Power or Powers which will impair or tend to impair the independence of Cuba, nor in any manner authorize or permit any foreign Power or Powers to obtain by colonization or for military or naval purposes or otherwise, lodgment in or control over any portion of said island.

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Second-That said Government shall not assume or contract any public debt, to pay the interest upon which and to make reasonable. sinking-fund provision for the ultimate discharge of which the ordinary. revenues of the island, after defraying the current expenses of government, shall be inadequate.

"Third-That the Government of Cuba consents that the United States may exercise the right to intervene for the preservation of Cuban

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independence, the maintenance of a government adequate for the protection of life, property, and individual liberty, and for discharging the obligations with respect to Cuba imposed by the Treaty of Paris on the United States, now to be assumed and undertaken by the Government of Cuba.

“Fourth-That all acts of the United States in Cuba during its military occupation thereof are ratified and validated, and lawful rights. acquired thereunder shall be maintained and protected.

"Fifth-That the Government of Cuba will execute, and as far as necessary extend, the plans already devised, or other plans to be mutually agreed upon, for the sanitation of the cities of the island, to the end that a recurrence of epidemic and infectious diseases may be prevented, thereby assuring protection to the people and commerce of Cuba, as well as to the commerce of the southern ports of the United States and the people residing therein.

"Sixth-That the Isle of Pines shall be omitted from the proposed constitutional boundaries of Cuba, the title thereto left to future adjustment by treaty.

"Seventh-That to enable the United States to maintain the independence of Cuba and to protect the people thereof, as well as for its own defense, the Government of Cuba will sell or lease to the United States lands necessary for coaling or naval stations at certain specified points, to be agreed upon with the President of the United States.

"Eighth-That by way of further assurance, the Government of Cuba will embody the foregoing provisions in a permanent treaty with the United States."

The introduction of the Platt amendment into the United States Senate showed the Cubans that their sin of omission was to be charged up against them. They hastened, therefore, to anticipate American. action. The Cuban Constitutional Convention passed hurriedly a set of counter-resolutions, in which certain of the expected American demands were met, while the others, the more important ones, were ignored.

The Cubans agreed, for example, to make with no foreign Power any treaty which might compromise or limit the independence of Cuba. They were willing to promise that their territory should never be used. as a base of operations for war against the United States or against

any foreign nation. As to the Treaty of Paris, the Cubans expressed their acceptance of it, both wherein it affirmed the rights of Cuba, and with regard to the obligations specifically mentioned as belonging to Cuba, and they stood ready to substitute their own Government for that of the United States in fulfilling those rights and obligations. The acts of the American Military Government and the rights arising out of them in conformity with existing resolutions and laws were to be recognized by Cuba as legally valid. The proposals ended with the suggestion that a commercial treaty, based on reciprocity, should be negotiated between the two countries.

In the preamble to these resolutions the Cuban Constitutional Convention explained its reasons for ignoring certain of the demands contained in the Platt Amendment. The Convention had been given to understand, it said, that the object of the Washington Government in proposing these relations was to preserve the independence of Cuba, the United States requiring coaling stations in Cuba for the purpose. This acquisition, however, in the view of the Cubans, would militate against that very independence which it was desired to preserve. With regard to the other conditions suggested, the object of those which tended to protect the independence of Cuba, such as the stipulations. under which Cuba might borrow money, was fully covered by the Cuban Constitution. As to hygienic relations, the future Government of Cuba would pass laws, and would arrange with the United States how best to preserve good sanitation in the island.

To show the object of the Platt Amendment, Senator Platt's own explanation of it may be summarized. He made it entirely clear that the keynote of his plan was that Cuba should be and remain independent under a stable republican form of government, which the United States would "assist in maintaining against foreign aggression and domestic disorder." The new Cuban Government would have no naval or military force to protect itself. The European nations that chiefly held the six hundred million dollars of outstanding Spanish bonds, for which the Cuban revenues had been pledged, would probably try to force Cuba to assume the obligation unless it was seen that the United States must first be dealt with. Moreover, there was a grave possibility that internal disorders might arise, which the new Government would be hardly strong enough to quell. The interests of the

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United States demanded the right to prevent the acquisition of Cuban territory by any foreign Power or the prevalence of revolutionary disturbances so near the Gulf coast.

Critics of the American administration argued that the Platt Amendment concealed an intention ultimately to make Cuba a possession of the United States. It is true that many leading men in both countries looked to annexation as the final outcome. Even General Gomez, the famous Cuban revolutionist, who had given the greater part of his life to the struggle for Free Cuba, said during a visit to the United States in July, 1901, that the obligation of Cuba to the United States was the obligation of brother to brother; that Cuba and the United States belonged together, and that it was only a question of gravitation when they would be one. He added, however, that the Cubans first desired. to learn how it felt to be independent.

But if annexation seemed bound some day to come, the United States had no inclination to press the issue. The immediate problem was the immediate concern. The future would depend upon the wishes. of the Cubans themselves, or upon their proved fitness or unfitness for self-rule. The American Government was aiming, in a broad sense, to serve the best interests of both countries.

The misconstruction which the Cubans placed upon the Platt Amendment was, perhaps, natural. False pride and a sophomoric notion of national dignity affected the situation to some extent, but there was doubtless a genuine suspicion of the purposes of the United States. The Constitutional Convention, after a prolonged consideration of the Amendment, put itself on record as opposed to the most important provisions. General Leonard Wood, the Military Governor, acting under instructions from the War Department at Washington, made emphatic iterations to the Cubans that the substance of the Platt Amendment must be adopted before the military occupation of the Island would cease. The Convention finally appointed a commission of five of its delegates to go to Washington and consult with the Administration regarding the amendment-to seek an interpretation, as it were.

The Commission reached Washington on April 24. Every civility was extended to its members, and President McKinley and Secretary of War Root gave the most thorough and painstaking answers to their questions. When they went back to their own country, a few days later,

the commissioners appeared to be satisfied with the results of their visit. But what was done after their return? The Convention so modified the wording of the Platt Amendment as to throw doubt on the right of the Americans to intervene in the affairs of the island. And then it appended to the amendment Secretary Root's private explanation of its object, using the substance of the Commission's report, which began with these words:

"Inasmuch as Secretary Root, being authorized by President McKinley, says that the Platt law has for its object the guaranteeing of the independence of Cuba, and does not mean interference with its Government, or the exercise of a protectorate or of sovereignty, and also that the intervention will take place only when independence is endangered by outside Powers or grave interior disturbances, creating anarchy, and inasmuch as Secretary Root has said that the naval stations will not be used as vantage points for intervention, but only to protect Cuba against foreign Powers, we report," etc., etc.

The amended amendment was passed by the Constitutional Convention on May 28.

Such indirection was impossible in the view of the United States. The Cubans were informed that they must be good children or they would never be permitted to organize an independent government: that they must accept the Platt Amendment in its original form or the American military occupation of the island would be continued indefinitely. There was some talk of going ahead with the plans for selfgovernment, leaving the United States to the embarrassing necessity of using force to support her demands. But better councils fortunately prevailed. On June 12 the Constitutional Convention adopted a resclution to append to the new Constitution the original version of the Platt Amendment. The folly of further resistance had been impressed upon even the more radical delegates, and the most important issue that had arisen in relation to Cuba since the war with Spain was settled.

III

Remaining for the Constitutional Convention was the formulation of an electoral law. After a period of deliberation, a satisfactory law was agreed upon. Universal suffrage was provided for, but educational restrictions were imposed, the ability to read and write being required in all voters. It was determined that the presidential electors should