aided Ethan Allen in the capture of Ticonderoga. He was active with Montgomery in the siege of Quebec. In August, 1776, he was made lieutenant-colonel, and, on the morning of Sept. 18, 1776, he surprised the outposts of Ticonderoga, set free 100 American prisoners, captured four companies of British regulars, a quantity of stores and cannon, and destroyed a number of boats and an armed sloop. He left the service because of his detestation of Benedict Arnold, but continued to act with the militia. He was killed by Indians in the Mohawk Valley, Oct. 19, 1780. BROWN, JOHN Brown, JOHN, abolitionist; born in Torrington, Conn., May 9, 1800; hanged in Charlestown, Va., Dec. 2, 1859; was a descendant of Peter Brown of the Mayflower. His grandfather was a soldier of the Revolution, and perished in that war. When John was five years of age, his father moved to Ohio; and in 1815-20 he worked at the trade of a tanner. He became a dealer in wool; visited Europe on business; and in 1855 he emigrated to Kansas, where, as an anti-slavery champion, he took an active part against the pro-slavery party, engaging in some of the conflicts of the short civil war in that Territory. Devout, moral, courageous, and intensely earnest, he sought to be an instrument for the abolition of African slavery from the republic. The idea that he might become a liberator was conceived so early as 1839. In May, 1859, he made his first movement in an attempt to liberate the slaves in Virginia, which ended so disastrously to himself at Harper's Ferry. instrument declared, "for the overthrow of any government, but simply to amend and repeal." It was a part of the scheme for promoting the uprising of the slaves. Brown spent the summer of 1859 in preparations for his work. He hired a farm a few miles from Harper's Ferry, where he was known by the name of Smith. One by one his followers joined him there, and stealthily gathered pikes and other weap JOHN BROWN. There seemed to be a peculiar serenity and calmness in the public mind about public affairs in the fall of 1859, when suddenly a rumor went out of Baltimore that the abolitionists had seized the gov ernment armory and arsenal at Harper's Ferry, at the junction of the Shenandoah and Potomac rivers, and that a general insurrection of the slaves in Virginia was imminent. The rumor was mostly true. ons, with ammunition, for the purpose John Brown had suddenly appeared at of first arming the insurgent slaves of Harper's Ferry with a few followers, to induce the slaves of Virginia to rise in insurrection and assert their right to freedom. With a few white followers and twelve slaves from Missouri, he went into Canada West, and at Chatham a convention of sympathizers was held in May, 1859, whereat a "Provisional Constitution and Ordinances for the People of the United States" was adopted-not, as the Virginia. On a very dark night, Brown, with seventeen white men and five negroes, stole into the village of Harper's Ferry, put out the street-lights, seized the gov ernment armory and the railway-bridge there, and quietly arrested and imprisoned in the government buildings every citizen found in the street at the earlier hours of the next morning, each one ignorant of what else had happened. These invaders had seized Colonel Washington, living a few miles from the ferry, with his arms and horses, and liberated his slaves; and at eight o'clock on Monday morning, Oct. 17, Brown and his followers (among whom were two of his sons) had full possession of the village and the government works. He had felt assured that when the first blow should be struck the negroes of the surrounding country would rise and flock to his standard, that a general uprising of the slaves throughout the Union would follow, and that he would win the satisfaction and the honors of a great liberator. When asked what was his purpose, and by what authority he acted, he replied, "To free the slaves; and by the authority of God Almighty." News of this affair went swiftly abroad, and before night a large number of Virginia militia had gathered at Harper's Ferry. Struggles between these and Brown's followers ensued, in which the two sons of the latter perished. The invaders were finally driven into a fireengine house, where Brown bravely defended himself. With one son dead by his side and the other shot through the body, he felt the pulse of his dying child with one hand, held his rifle with the other, and issued oral commands to his men with all the composure of a general in his marquee, telling them to be firm, and sell their lives as dearly as possible. They held their citadel until Monday evening, when Col. Robert E. Lee arrived with ninety United States marines and two pieces of artillery. The doors of the engine-house were forced open, and Brown and his followers were captured. The bold leader was speedily tried for murder and treason, was found guilty (Oct. 29), and on Dec. 3, 1859, was hanged. Meanwhile the wildest tales of the raid had gone over the land. The governor of Virginia (Henry A. Wise) was beside himself with excitement, and declared himself ready to make war on all the free-labor States; and he declared, in a letter to the President (Nov. 25), that he had authority for the belief that a conspiracy to rescue Brown existed in Ohio, Pennsylvania, New York, and other States. Attempts were made to implicate leading Republicans in a scheme for liberating the slaves. A committee of the United States Senate, with James M. Mason, au thor of the Fugitive Slave Law of 1850, as its chairman, was appointed to investigate the subject. The result was the obtaining of positive proof that Brown had no accomplices, and only about twenty-five followers. Although Brown's mad attempt to free the slaves was a total failure, it proved to be one of the important events which speedily brought about the result he so much desired. Autobiographical Notes. BROWN'S LETTER ON SLAVERY TO HIS RANDOLPH, PA., Nov. 21, 1834. DEAR BROTHER,-As I have had only one letter from Hudson since you left here, and that some weeks since, I begin to get uneasy and apprehensive that all is not well. I had satisfied my mind about it for some time, in expectation of seeing father here, but I begin to give that up for the present. Since you left me I have been trying to devise some means whereby I might do something in a practical way for my poor fellow-men who are in bondage, and having fully consulted the feelings of my wife and my three boys, we have agreed to get at least one negro boy or youth, and bring him up as we do our own-viz., give him a good English edu cation, learn him what we can about the history of the world, about business, about general subjects, and, above all, try to teach him the fear of God. We think of three ways to obtain one: First, to try to get some Christian slave-holder to release one to us. Second, to get a free one if no one will let us have one that is a slave. Third, if that does not succeed, we have all agreed to submit to considerable privation in order to buy one. This we are now using means in order to effect, in the confident expectation that God is about to bring them all out of the house of bondage. I will just mention that when this subject was first introduced, Jason had gone to bed; but no sooner did he hear the thing hinted, than his warm heart kindled, and he turned out to have a part in the discussion of a subject of such exceeding interest. I have for years been trying to devise some way to get a school a-going here for blacks, and I think that on many accounts it would be a most favorable location. Children here would have no intercourse with vicious people of their own kind, nor with openly vicious persons of any kind. There would be no powerful opposition influence against such a thing; and should there be any, I believe the settlement might be so effected in future as to have almost the whole influence of the place in favor of such a school. Write me how you would like to join me, and try to get on from Hudson and thereabouts some first-rate abolitionist families with you. I do honestly believe that our united exertions alone might soon, with the good hand of our God upon us, effect it all. This has been with me a favorite theme of reflection for years. I think that a place which might be in some measure settled with a view to such an object would be much more favorable to such an undertaking than would any such place as Hudson, with all its conflicting interests and feelings; and I do think such advantages ought to be afforded the young blacks, whether they are all to be immediately set free or not. Perhaps we might, under God, in that way do more towards breaking their yoke effectually than in any other. If the young blacks of our country could once become enlightened, it would most assuredly operate on slavery like firing powder confined in rock, and all slave-holders know it well. Witness their heaven-daring laws against teaching blacks. If once the Christians in the free States would set to work in earnest in teaching the blacks, the people of the slave-holding States would find themselves constitutionally driven to set about the work of emancipation immediately. The laws of this State are now such that the inhabitants of any township may raise by a tax in aid of the State school-fund any amount of money they may choose by a vote, for the purpose of common schools, which any child may have access to by application. If you will join me in this undertaking, I will make with you any arrangement of our temporal concerns that shall be fair. Our health is good, and our prospects about business rather brightening. Affectionately yours, JOHN BROWN. INSTRUCTIONS TO THE GILEADITES," AN ORGANIZATION OF COLORED PEOPLE. Nothing so charms the American people as personal bravery. Witness the case of Cinques, of everlasting memory, on board the Amistad. The trial for life of one bold and to some extent successful man, for defending his rights in good earnest, would arouse more sympathy throughout the nation than the accumulated wrongs and sufferings of more than three millions of our submissive colored population. We need not mention the Greeks struggling against the oppressive Turks, the Poles against Russia, nor the Hungarians against Austria and Russia combined, to prove this. No jury can be found in the Northern States that would convict a man for defending his rights to the last extremity. This is well understood by Southern Congressmen, who insisted that the right of trial by jury should not be granted to the fugitive. Colored people have ten times the number of fast friends among the whites than they suppose, and would have ten times the number they now have were they but half as much in earnest to secure their dearest rights as they are to ape the follies and extravagances of their white neighbors, and to indulge in idle show, in ease, and in luxury. Just think of the money expended by individuals in your behalf in the past twenty years! Think of the number who have been mobbed and imprisoned on your account! Have any of you seen the Branded Hand? Do you remember the names of Lovejoy and Torrey? Should one of your number be arrested, you must collect together as quickly as possible, so as to outnumber your adversaries who are taking an active part against you. Let no able-bodied man appear on the ground unequipped, or with his weapons exposed to view: let that be understood beforehand. Your plans must be known only to yourself, and with the understanding that all traitors must die, wherever caught and proven to be guilty. "Whosoever is fearful or afraid, let him return and depart early from Mount Gilead" (Judges, vii. 3; Deut. xx. 8). Give all cowards an opportunity to show it on condition of holding their peace. Do not delay one moment after you are ready: you will lose all your resolution persuaded to leave them, part with them, if you do. Let the first blow be the signal for all to engage; and when engaged do not do your work by halves, but make clean work with your enemies, and be sure you meddle not with any others. By going about your business quietly, you will get the job disposed of before the number that an uproar would bring together can collect; and you will have the advantage of those who come out against you, for they will be wholly unprepared with either equipments or matured plans; all with them will be confusion and terror. Your enemies will be slow to attack you after you have done up the work nicely; and if they should, they will have to encounter your white friends as well as you; for you may safely calculate on a division of the whites, and may by that means get to an honorable parley. Be firm, determined, and cool; but let it be understood that you are not to be driven to desperation without making it an awful dear job to others as well as to you. Give them to know distinctly that those who live in wooden houses should not throw fire, and that you are just as able to suffer as your white neighbors. After effecting a rescue, if you are assailed, go into the houses of your most prominent and influential white friends with your wives; and that will effectually fasten upon them the suspicion of being connected with you, and will compel them to make a common cause with you, whether they would otherwise live up to their profession or not. This would leave them no choice in the matter. Some would doubtless prove themselves true of their own choice; others would flinch; That would be taking them at their own words. You may make a tumult in the court-room where a trial is going on, by burning gunpowder freely in paper packages, if you cannot think of any better way to create a momentary alarm, and might possibly give one or more of your enemies a hoist. But in such case the prisoner will need to take the hint at once, and bestir himself; and so should his friends improve the opportunity for a general rush. A lasso might probably be applied to a slave-catcher for once with good effect. Hold on to your weapons, and never be or have them far away from you. Stand by one another and by your friends, while a drop of blood remains; and be hanged, if you must, but tell no tales out of school. Make no confession. Union is strength. Without some welldigested arrangements nothing to any good purpose is likely to be done, let the demand be never so great. Witness the case of Hamlet and Long in New York, when there was no well-defined plan of operations or suitable preparation beforehand. The desired end may be effectually secured by the means proposed; namely, the enjoyment of our inalienable rights. THE FIGHT OF OSAWATOMIE. Early in the morning of Aug. 30 the enemy's scouts approached to within one mile and a half of the western boundary of the town of Osawatomie. At this place my son Frederick (who was not attached to my force) had lodged, with some four other young men from Lawrence, and a young man named Garrison, from Middle Creek. The scouts, led by a pro-slavery preacher named White, shot my son dead in the road, while he—as I have since ascertained-supposed them to be friendly. At the same time they butchered Mr. Garrison, and badly mangled one of the young men from Lawrence, who came with my son, leaving him for dead. This was not far from sunrise. I had stopped during the night about two and one-half miles from them. and nearly one mile from Osawatomie. I had no organized force, but only some twelve or fifteen new recruits, who were ordered to leave their preparations for breakfast and follow me into the town. as soon as this news was brought to me. As I had no means of learning correctly the force of the enemy, I placed twelve of the recruits in a log-house, hoping we might be able to defend the town. I then gathered some fifteen more men together, whom we armed with guns; and we started in the direction of the enemy. After going a few rods, we could see them approaching the town in line of battle, about half a mile off, upon a hill west of the village. I then gave up all idea of doing more than to annoy, from the timber near the town, into which we were all retreat a hasty leave, carrying their dead and wounded with them. They did not attempt to cross the river, nor to search for us, and have not since returned to look over their work. I give this in great haste, in the midst of constant interruptions. My second son was with me in the fight, and escaped unharmed. This I mention for the benefit of his friends. Old Preacher White, I hear, boasts of having killed my son. Of course he is a lion. JOHN BROWN. LAWRENCE, KANSAS, Sept. 7, 1856. ed, and which was filled with a thick whom neither party claimed, they took growth of underbrush; but I had no time to recall the twelve men in the log house, and so lost their assistance in the fight. At the point above named I met with Captain Cline, a very active young man, who had with him some twelve or fifteen mounted men, and persuaded him to go with us into the timber, on the southern shore of the Osage, or Marais des Cygnes, a little to the northwest from the village. Here the men, numbering not more than thirty in all, were directed to scatter and secrete themselves as well as they could, and await the approach of the enemy. This was done in full view of them (who must have seen the whole movement), and had to be done in the utmost haste. I believe Captain Cline and some of his men were not even dismounted in the fight, but cannot assert positively. When the left wing of the enemy had approached to within common rifle-shot, we commenced firing, and very soon threw the northern branch of the enemy's line into disorder. This continued some fifteen or twenty minutes, which gave us an uncommon opportunity to annoy them. Captain Cline and his men soon got out of ammunition, and retired across the river. BROWN'S PLAN AS EXPLAINED IN 1858, REPORTED BY RICHARD REALF. John Brown stated that for twenty or thirty years the idea had possessed him like a passion of giving liberty to the slaves; that he made a journey to England, during which he made a tour upon the European continent, inspecting all fortifications, and especially all earthwork forts which he could find, with a view of applying the knowledge thus gained, with modifications and inventions of his own, to a mountain warfare in the United States. He stated that he had read all the books upon insurrectionary warfare that he could lay his hands on: the Roman warfare, the successful opposition of the Spanish chieftains during the period when Spain was a Roman province-how with 10,000 men, divided and subdivided into small companies, acting simultaneously yet separately, they withstood the whole consolidated power of the Roman Empire through a number of years. In addition to this, he had become very familiar with the successful warfare waged by Schamyl, the Circassian chief, against the Russians; he had posted himself in relation to the war of Toussaint L'Ouverture; he had beOne of my best men, together with my come thoroughly acquainted with the wars self, was struck by a partially spent ball in Hayti and the islands round about; from the enemy, in the commencement of and from all these things he had drawn the fight, but we were only bruised. The the conclusion-believing, as he stated loss I refer to is one of my missing men. there he did believe, and as we all (if I The loss of the enemy, as we learn by the may judge from myself) believed-that different statements of our own as well upon the first intimation of a plan formed as other people, was some thirty-one or for the liberation of the slaves, they two killed. and from forty to fifty wound- would immediately rise all over the ed. After burning the town to ashes and Southern States. He supposed that they killing a Mr. Williams they had taken, would come into the mountains to join After the enemy rallied, we kept up our fire, until, by the leaving of one and another, we had but six or seven left. We then retired across the river. We had one man killed-a Mr. Powers, from Captain Cline's company-in the fight. One of my men, a Mr. Partridge, was shot in crossing the river. Two or three of the party who took part in the fight are yet missing, and may be lost or taken prisoners. Two were wounded; namely, Dr. Updegraff and a Mr. Collis. I cannot speak in too high terms of them, and of many others I have not now time to mention. |