whole American system must be made a unit, socially, as well as politically; that they, too, must have a subject and disfranchised class; and that, as their climate admits of neither Aƒricans, coolies nor peons, NATURalized citizens MUST BE HELOTIZED AS FOREIGNERS, AND CATHOLICS DISFRANCHISED, AS OPPOSED

TO THE ORDER OF THINGS.

When we recur to the essential principles of Black-republicanism, apart, even, from the question of uniformity here presented, or of other considerations to be presented hereafter, can it be said we are left to mere conjecture as to the final revival of the fell spirit of Know-Nothingism by this party, and in a shape as monstrous and terrible as that represented in the Apocalypse, of Death on the Pale Horse, breathing out destruction, and scattering around remorseless passions? Puritanism! Americanism! Abolitionism! Agrarianism! these are the four fundamental elements of the Black-republican organization, and so long as that organization remains a political power, these elements must vitalize and direct its motions. Each distinctively recognizes in the principles of Catholicity its own antagonism. Puritan iconoclasm finds its most stalwart foe in Catholic conservatism. Americanism, based on the one idea of nativism or political selfishism, is met face to face by Catholic universalism, covering the rights and interests of all under the Constitution. Abolitionism, negating government and contemning authority, vents its wrath against the body of Catholicity, interposed in protection of government, and proclaiming the doctrine of "obedience to the powers that be." And agrarianism, that with sacrilegious hands would disrupt all property rights, writhes throughout its horrid length like a struck serpent, beneath the anathemas of the Catholic Church, hurled against the "envious," the "Thief," and the "Robber." Now combined in one common cause, and attained to power, while the opportunity is at hand to strike the Catholic, and the naturalized citizen, because he is, as a general rule, a Catholic, will the blow be spared? Under similar circumstances when was their hand ever stayed? Not in England during the period of the "Roundhead," nor in France during the Revolution of 1789-'90. As well might the ravening vulture be expected to yield up its prey, as to doubt that Blackrepublicanism will ultimately degrade the naturalized citizen, and stamp the heel on Romanism.

But there are other motives of hostility toward naturalized citizens and Catholics, which will lead to this war against them. In all the past political contests between the North and the South over the principles of the Constitution, whether as affect

ing the territories or otherwise, they have always sided with the position of the South as the position of the Constitution and the part of justice. In presidential elections they have invariably sustained the Southern candidate, whether selected from the South or from the North, accepting defeat or marching to victory under his banner. And what renders this fact the more remarkable is, that in many instances the candidate so selected was of a religious persuasion entertaining the bitterest prejudices against their own convictions. In this way they sustained Andrew Jackson, though a Presbyterian; James K. Polk, though a Presbyterian; Franklin Pierce, though a Presbyterian; and James Buchanan, though a Presbyterian. In this way they accepted defeat with Martin Van Buren and Lewis Cass. At this moment, if, through the sectional triumph of William H. Seward, in 1860, disunion should be forced upon the South, as the only escape from the disastrous sequences herein detailed, and civil war should follow, they would rush spontaneously by thousands and hundreds of thousands beneath the flag of the South, raised by themselves in the North, and hurl the tide of war back upon New-England and the Lakes, not only through a sense of right and natural affiliation with the South, from whom emanated religious liberty, but through the policy of preserving the integrity of Mexico and Cuba from the Vandalism of Black-republicanism. But Seward elected, and the South submitting, and events progressing to their consummation, it is evident that all these considerations will enter into the feelings and passions of those who, by obliterating the Constitution and trampling upon the South, shall have reached empire, intensifying hatred toward them, and instigating to revenge. The Constitution and the South having been struck down, it will be deemed meet their allies shall be made to bite the dust. The wrath toward them will be implacable, and the result inevitable-a firm, resolute and remorseless effort on the part of the religious sectaries, through their political affiliations, to degrade the naturalized citizen, and exterminate Catholicity. The age will be cast back two centuries; a religious war will arise in the land, and rivers of blood flow. But regarding the elements of strength engaged in the contest, the naturalized citizen will be forced to submission, and the Church be brought low, leaving not a vestige of conservatism resident either in American politics or American society. The empire will stand without a Constitution of government, a patriarchal institution, or a single vital principle of subordination-a political and social monster, compelling order through force alone; an anomaly

among the nations of modern times, having its parallel alone in Rome under Tiberius and his successors, with the consular and tribunitian powers united in their person as Imperator, and like that government, filled for a time with terrible energies, but finally to perish through its own crimes and excesses, sweeping society along with itself into the bestial sins of eternal perdition.*

To illustrate the end is forbid my pen. Through shame and modesty it falls from my grasp. But would you have the picture I refer you to," The Moral and Social Status," published in your REVIEW in March, 1857, to the Annals of Tacitus, and to the story of the Cities of the Plain!!!

December 9, 1859.

"PYTHON."

ART. II-JAMES RUSSELL LOWELL AND HIS WRITINGS. NEARLY thirty years ago, Mr. Thomas Carlyle, with a selfcomplacency quite characteristic of himself, and of his nation, announced, in the pages of an English Review, that Americans were not a poetical people. As he was then profoundly ignorant of the literature and literary men of the South, it is fair to presume that he intended only to embrace within the range of this sweeping conclusion, that portion of the people of this country who hybernate amid the snows of the North; a people, who, with all their affectation of superior intelligence, and of ability to direct public sentiment at home and abroad, have hearts as icy as the air they breathe, and as narrow as the strips of ground on which they farm and build and thrive and grow impertinent. Beyond cavil, New-England once had, and still has, among her mountains and valleys, many wise, sagacious, industrius and honest citizens-men who fear God and love the state; but if, since the landing of the May-Flower at

The precise sentiments of the American Black-republican emancipation party toward naturalized citizens and Catholics, and the reasons for those sentiments, may be found in the Annual Message of Governor Gardner of Massachusetts, delivered to the Legislature of that State, January 9th, 1857. Speaking of the last presidential election, he says: "So far as that election is final, our citizens have the bitter assurance of knowing, that that decision has been made, that action fixed, and that step taken by the casting votes of aliens born, aliens unnaturalized, and aliens entirely ignorant of our institutions, and callous to the rast interests involved in the stupendous issue. While this horde of foreign-born voters have thus stricken down a noble cause, which appealed to the moral sentiment and enlightened patriotism of our country [meaning the abolition of slavery], it only affords another confirmation of a fact which our whole history establishes, that the foreign vote, with hardly an exception, always has been, and in the nature of things always must and will be, attracted to the Democratic party, and always practically cooperate with slavery at the South."

He goes on to say, "There is but one remedy and barrier to this steady and increasing power against the movements of New-England sentiment-morality and education diffused through the great West in behalf of freedom, humanity, and the nobler spirit of the country [meaning Abolitionism], and that is to deprive naturalized citizens of the right of suffrage for twenty-one years."

Plymouth Rock, up to the remark of Mr. Carlyle, she has warmed into being, a single poet, his name and his fame have escaped our recollection. What in our judgment was true at that time, is equally and essentially true to the present hour. There were then, and there are now, rhymers and versifiers and scribblers in abundance: then, as now, there were critics to commend, newspapers to puff, and a gaping crowd eager to buy and to read; yet the genius, the sentiment, the passion, the imagination, the purity and breadth of heart and mind, which illumine every line of poetry in its high sense, are among the unattained and we fear unattainable realities of the future. This opinion is expressed deliberately and in defiance of those hired laudations which undertake to form the public judgment in this country, and of those few faint notes. of praise which occasionally float from the other side of the Atlantic. We are willing to admit, that the names of some American poets, at long intervals, have been found on the catalogues of English booksellers; that they have been honored with cold notices now and then in some English Reviews; and that they been gratified to learn that their ill-omened croakings against the institutions under which they were born, have been echoed back in triumph by those English propagandists who throng the precincts of Exeter Hall. But these incentives to inspiration and stimulants to a vanity already morbid, have been utterly ineffectual. The stubborn and lamentable fact remains, that New-England continues destitute both of a poet and of poetry. It is worthy of an inquiry into the causes, how, and why, so little has been achieved, when so much has been attempted. They may lie in that sterile soil and ungenial sky, so familiar to every son of that inhospitable clime or in that pharisaical self-gratulation which chuckles at its own perfections and sees nothing to commend in others; or, in that inherited puritanism which turns up its pious eyes in horror at all secular learning and accomplishment: or in that hard grasping and selfish nature, which distinguishes the genuine Yankee from the rest of his species, as distinctly as if he were an orang-outang, or a South Sea Islander; or in that licentiousness of taste and manners which degrades one portion of Northern society by its pretensions, and another by its pollutions; or what is more probable still, in the prevalence of a blind and reckless fanaticism, which when it once usurps a place in the human bosom, strangles every noble and generous impulse. Such fanaticism as theirs, is of no ordinary kind; cherished alone by ignorant zealots-kindled into excitement only upon rare occasions, and soon ex

tinguished by the intensity of its own flames; it is of that deeper and more dangerous dye, which is appalled at no injus tice, which ever accompanies despotism, which unfailingly tramples liberty in the dust, and which in all ages and in all countries, has been the parent of infidelity. Nothing is too low to minister to its designs, too exalted to awe its insolence, or too sacred to escape its assaults; and as if to exhibit its own hypocrisy upon the grandest scale, while one hand is raised to implore mercy upon the slaveholder, the other is eagerly clutching at his property. We should be false to our convictions were we to declare that this fanaticism is confined to a few. Recent demonstrations, if others were wanting, on the hallowed soil of Virginia, as well as the wailings and the threats which have followed the Harper's Ferry conspirators to the tomb, prove conclusively, that it is deeply seated; that it is widely spread, and glows as fiercely at the fireside and the altar, as it does on the hustings or the forum, or the field of blood.

While this dark fanaticism has been exercising its baneful influences upon the mind, the morality, the social position, and the political relations of the North, it has engendered a sickly energy and activity in the stupid brains of some men and women, who, taking advantage of the ambition, prejudices, and ignorance of sects and parties, have been enabled to emerge from the twilight into the open sunshine. Following literature as a pursuit, these "poor insects of a summer's day," have made it the study of their lives to malign the South; to denounce in every possible way its institutions, and to deride its material advancement, its intellectual wealth, its polity and its people. By appealing to the worst passions of the worst people, some of them have reached an unenviable notoriety; others have earned their daily bread; while another, and perhaps a larger class, have slunk away into an obscurity so deep, that no friendly sexton will find them when they die. pedlars of false ideas-these panderers to the lowest instincts of erring nature-these harlequins who attune their notes to any song for a drink of their own ineffably mean rum-these Swiss soldiers of literature who will write upon any subject for pay-these literary musquetoes, whose buzzing is more dreadful than their stings-are not confined to the columns of partisan or sectarian newspapers; nor to journalism in its broader sense; nor are they the mean froth and scum of society which the rising wave has thrown upon the surface. They are to be found in all the walks of life and pervade every variety of composition. They belch forth their venom against the South

These