From this again must be deducted the cost of the war with Spain and the occupation of Cuba. As the war with Spain lasted less than three months, a liberal estimate for the expense incident thereto would be two hundred millions, including the occupation Cost of the Philippine War. of Cuba. This would leave the cost of the Philippine war $696,338,374 up to June 30, 1903, agreeing very closely with the estimate given by Senator Hoar. The sum paid to Spain for the Philippine Islands was twenty million dollars, or about two dollars a head for the inhabitants of the archipelago. Tom Reed, who was Speaker of the House of Representatives when the war with Spain was declared, but declined a renomination, as he could not agree with the Philippine and other policies Tom Reed Rebukes His Party. of the Admisistration, said that we had purchased a war and ten million "yellow bellies" at two dollars a head. If Tom Reed would be willing to give his opinion of the cost of killing 100,000 Filipinos, he would see, from the figures given above, that it has cost about $7,000 a head so far. How much the cost will be to subdue these new subjects before the islands are sufficiently pacified to withdraw the Army and Navy, probably even Tom Reed could hardly guess. The loss to the American people is also enhanced by ten thousand lives that have been sacrificed in this war of conquest, a loss that no computation in dollars can adequately express. No money can compensate a mother for the loss of her boy, and if he returns bereft of reason, to be immured in an insane asylum, as hundreds of our soldiers do, death would have been more merciful. What will be the cost of the pensions for this war cannot be foretold, but judging from the number still on the pension list as the result of the Civil War, and allowing only those that have enlisted to the present time, it is safe to estimate that fifty thousand will be entitled to pensions under the present laws, and these payments will continue for over fifty years. The average amount paid annually to each pensioner is about $140. The same amount paid to those incapacitated in the Philippine war, and allowing the same proportion of pensioners, say 50,000, including widows, etc., for fifty years, would add to the total cost of the war $350,000,000. How much greater this sum will be made before the Army is withdrawn from the islands and how many more lives will be sacrificed is for the future to determine. What is to be gained by subduing and holding the Philippines? Republican Claims. The Republicans state that the Philippine Islands are the key to the Orient, and that the possession of them gives us command of the trade with China beyond what other countries have; that Manila is a military and naval base of operations. They also claim that the trade with the Philippines will more than recoup us for treasure and lives that have been and are to be expended, and that enormous riches will be poured into the coffers of our own people when the islands are fully developed. How little ground there is for these optimistic assertions of the Republicans, and how enormous would have to be the advancement before trade and commerce with the Philippines will even pay the interest on the $20,000,000 paid to Spain for the islands, may be seen from the total exports and imports during the year 1901, as given by the Treasury Department in the statistics on foreign commerce. Trade With the Philippines. Total imports into the United States.... $4,420,912 4,027,064 Included in the exports are malt liquors, $762,176, and distilled spirits, $316,024, more than one-fourth of tue total, nearly all of which is consumed by the Army, as the Filipinos do not drink either of these American drinks. Quite an important export business has sprung up since the American occupation of the islands in coffins, one shipment auring June by the troopship Kilpatrick being 4,000 coffins, valued at $32,000. This tells the sad tale of death from disease that awaits the Anglo-Saxon race in tropical countries, and is in strong contrast with the enthusiastic hopes of the Republicans that these islands will ever be the home of our own people. That commerce with the Philippines will ever greatly increase is doubtful, as the people of those islands do not use, or wear, or eat, or drink what we produce to any great extent, nor are they likely to become converts to our way of living, the climate and custom preventing it. Nearly the whole of the imports from these islands are sugar and vegetable fibers, the latter known as Manila hemp. It is hardly possible that the imports of sugar will increase, unless the reduction of the duty suggested by Governor Taft should be enacted, or free trade allowed as in the case of Hawaii. But neither of these expedients would be acceptable to the American people, because, in either case, not the public, but the trusts and the exploiters of the Orient would pocket the gain. In this connection, read what is said elsewhere, respecting Hawaii and Chinese immigration. VALUE OF PRINCIPAL FARM CROPS IN THE UNITED STATES, 1880 TO 1901. [From report of Department of Agriculture.] CHATTEL SLAVERY AND POLYGAMY UNDER PROTECTION OF THE FLAG. More than two hundred and fifty years ago Spain outlawed slavery in the Phlippines in the following royal decree: "All slaves held by Spaniards shall IMMEDIATELY be set at liberty. No native shall be allowed to MAKE slaves. All newborn natives are declared free. The bondage of existing slaves from ten years of age shall cease on their attaining twenty years of age. Those above twenty years of age shall serve five years longer and then become free. At any time, notwithstanding the foregoing conditions, they shall be allowed to purchase their liberty, the price to be determined by the Governor and the Bishop." But this law remained for two hundred and fifty years a dead letter, for the very good reason that Spain never governed the southern half of the Philippine Islands, where slavery chiefly existed. Whatever may be said of the capacity of these people of the southern half of the archipelago for self-government, the fact remains that they have governed themselves for 800 years and are governing themselves today, absolutely and fully. The Spanish maintained a small garrison at Zamboanga and at Jolo, but had no more voice in the government of the people than had the Mayor of Oshkosh. Under a treaty with the Sultan and his dattos of these Sulu Islands, the Spaniards were permitted to maintain these garrisons and also permitted to claim an empty sovereignty over the islands. But under this same treaty the Spanish government paid the Sultan and his friends an annuity of $6,300 for this same privilege. In July, 1899, in order to obtain similar privileges, General Otis sent General J. C. Bates to Jolo to negotiate a treaty with the Sultan's government. After much palavering, the following astonishing document was drawn, signed and delivered: "Agreement between Brig.-Gen. John C. Bates, representing the United States, of the one part, and his Highness, the Sultan of Sulu, the Datto Rajah Muda, the Datto Attik, the Datto Kalkai, and the Datto Joakanain, of the other part; it being understood that this agreement will be in full force only when approved by the Governor-General of the Philippine Islands and confirmed by the President of the United States, and will be subjected to future modifications by the mutual consent of the parties in interest. "Article 1. The sovereignty of the United States over the whole archipelago of Sulu and its dependencies is declared and acknowledged. "Art. 2. The United States flag will be used in the archipelago and its dependencies, on land and sea. "Art. 3. The rights and dignities of his Highness the Sultan and his dattos shall be fully respected; the Moros shall not pe interfered with on account of their religion; all their religious customs shall be respected, and no one shall be persecuted on account of his religion. "Art. 4. While the United States may occupy and control such points in the archipelago of Sulu as public interests seem to de "No man has a right to condone crime, to excuse moral shortcomings of any kind, because of alleged party necessity."-Theodore Roosevelt, 1894. mand, encroachment will not be made upon the lands immediately about the residence of his Highness the Sultan, unless military necessity requires such occupation in case of war with a foreign power, and where the property of individuals is taken due compensation will be made in each case. "Any person can purchase land in the archipelago of Sulu and hold the same by obtaining the consent of the Sultan and coming to a satisfactory agreement with the owner of the land, and such purchase shall be immediately registered in the proper office of the United States Government. "Art. 5. All trade in domestic products of the archipelago of Sulu, when carried on oy the Sultan and his people with any part of the Philippine Islands, and when conducted under the American flag, shall be free, unlimited and undutiable. "Art. 6. The Sultan of Sulu shall be allowed to communicate direct with the Governor-General of the Philippine Islands in making complaint against the commanding officer of Sulu or against any naval commander. "Art. 7. The introduction of firearms and war material is forbidden, except under the specific authority of the Governor-General of the Philippines. “Art. 8. Piracy must be suppressed, and the Sultan and his dattos agree to heartily co-operate with the United States authorities to that end, and make every possible effort to arrest and bring to justice all persons engaged in piracy. "Art. 9. Where crimes and offenses are committed by Moros against Moros, the government of the Sultan will bring to trial and punishment the criminals and offenders, who will be delivered to the Government of the Sultan by the United States authorities if in their possession. In all other cases persons charged with crime or offenses will be delivered to the United States authorities for trial and punishment. "Art. 10. Any slave in the archipelago of Sulu shall have the right to purchase freedom by paying the master the usual market value. "Art. 11. At present, Americans or foreigners wishing to go into the country should state their wishes to the Moro authorities and ask for an escort, but it is hoped that this will become unnecessary as we know each other better. "Art. 12. The United States will give full protection to the Sultan and his subjects in case any foreign nation should attempt to impose upon them. "Art. 13. The United States will not sell the Island of Sulu or any other island of the Sulu Archipelago to any foreign nation without the consent of the Sultan of Sulu. "Art. 14. The United States Government wil: pay the following monthly salaries: To the Sultan.... To Datto Rajah Muda. To Datto Attik.... To Datto Calbe. $250 75 60 75 "Signed, in triplicate, in English and Sulu, at Jolo, this 20th day of August, A. D., 1898. (13th Arakuli Akil 1317.)" THE SULTAN SULU DATTO CALBE. DATTO JOAKANAIN. Most of these beneficiaries are dattos and relatives of the SulSaguin is the serif, or head of the religious department of the Sultan's government. tan. These sums of money aggregate $9,120 per year, or $2,820 more than was the Spanish tribute to the Sultan's government. Article 3 of this crazy treaty does two things: It guarantees to his Highness the Sultan his "rights and dignities," which means that the Sultan shall continue to administer the government of the islands as he always has done. It also guarantees that "all their religious customs shall be respected," which includes polygamy. Polygamy, therefore, is guaranteed the protection of the United States flag. Article 9 expressly surrenders to the government of the Moros the control and management of the courts of justice, the United States expressly agreeing to surrender criminals to the Sultan's courts for the administration of justice. Section 10 in effect denies the right of any slave to his freedom unless he pays to his master his market value. The treaty refrains from specifying how long it will take a slave working for nothing to earn enough money to purchase his liberty at his "market value." President McKinley Confirmed This Agreement. In transmitting the treaty with the Sultan's Government to Congress, the President said in his letter of transmissal: "I have confirmed said agreement, subject to the action of Congress, and with the reservation, which I have directed shall be communicated to the Sultan of Jolo, that this agreement is not to be deemed in any way to authorize or give consent of the United States to the existence of slavery in the Sulu Archipelago." This "reservation" of Mr. McKinley meant absolutely nothing, because the treaty especially stipulated that the consent of the "parties in interest" was necessary to any modification. When a man signs a promissary note with a "mental reservation," the note is what counts and not the "mental reservation." So far as the United States is concerned, the legal ownership of these hundreds of thousands of human chattels is not to be disturbed unless the slaves, by working for nothing, shall accumulate sufficient money to purchase their freedom at the usual "market value." In his testimony before the Insular Affairs Committee of the House of Representatives, Governor Taft estimated the number of human slaves in the Philippines at between 250,000 and 300,000. |