whose interests are the same. In the proposition which has been made to France on the part of the allies, a solicitude has been evinced on this subject, which, if this country shows a disposition to extend the benefits of its commerce to the European continent, must have weight in the British cabinet. We ought never to forget the reasons which forced us into war. Anxious to maintain our neutral position, and enjoy the benefits of neutral trade, we for years closed our eyes to the aggressions on the part of the enemy; sufferance on our part provoked only further injury, which forced us to arms in defence of neutral rights and free trade. Under this view of the subject, I hope this committee will duly appreciate the necessity of conciliating those nations, whose interests are now the same as ours; with whom we have now some trade, which, in future, may be expected to be greatly extended.

But it may be said, England will not permit this trade. To what a situation will she then be reduced to an alternative the most awkward and perplexing: she must either keep up her present mere cruising or paper blockade of our sea-coast to prevent the entrance of those neutrals, or modify her system in favor of all neutrals. Will not a persistence in her present unlawful system of blockade and capture at sea of neutral vessels destined for the United States, irritate and vex those nations, and detach them from her cause? If, on the other hand, she modifies her system of blockade in their favor, we may carry on a lucrative trade to the continent of Europe, not beneficial to England, but very much so to the United States. The very option which will thus be presented, will embarrass the British cabinet, and have a stronger tendency to produce peace, than ten years' continuance of the present system, when the prospect of its producing any pressure has become so very faint. I ask gentlemen on the same side of the House with myself, whether, if the restrictive system were now off, there would be ten votes

*

in the House in favor of putting it on? I contend there would not. If it were to expire on the 10th of the present month, would there be ten votes in favor of its renewal ? I believe not. If the House would in neither case embrace it under present circumstances, there is the strongest reason to presume that, in its judgment, the restrictive system is not now operative and wise. What, then, is the objection to its repeal ? A regard to consistency. I know regard ought always to be had to this trait, so valuable in governments and individuals; but it is not the duty of men to regulate their conduct without any regard to events. True wisdom consists in properly adapting our conduct to circumstances. Two things may change our conduct on any particular point: a change of our own opinion, or of exterior circumstances, which entirely change the reason of our former conduct. Men cannot always go straight forward, but must regard the obstacles which impede their course. Inconsistency consists in a change of conduct, when there is no change of circumstances which justify it. Those who adapt their conduct to a change of circumstances, act, not inconsistently, but otherwise. They would be inconsistent, if they persisted in a course of measures after the reasons which called for them had so changed, as to require a course directly the reverse. I respect the firmness of many friends around me, because it indicates their determination to persevere in any system, and adhere to any measure, which they believe the interest of their country requires. But, according to the view which I have taken, I do not consider such a persistence in the restrictive system as the dictate either of wisdom or of sound policy.

There are many other observations which I might make on this subject, which I shall, at present, forbear to urge.

As to the manufacturing interest, in regard to which some fears have been expressed, the resolution voted by the House yesterday is a strong pledge, that it will not suffer the manufacturers to be unprotected, in case of a repeal of the

restrictive system. I hope that at all times, and under every policy, they will be protected with due care. All farther remarks I reserve, until I shall hear the objections to the bill.

SPEECH

On the Resolution reported by the Committee of Ways and Means, to increase the Direct Tax, delivered in the House of Representatives, Oct. 25th,

1814.

of

[NOTE. After the capture of Washington by the British army under the command of Gen. Ross, the President, by Proclamation, called an extra session of Congress, which met on the 19th of Sept., 1814. The finances of the Government, as well as the currency the country, were in a deplorable state; and the attention of Congress was immediately directed to these subjects. The Committee of Ways and Means recommended, among other measures, an addition of 50 per cent. on the Direct Taxes; which was subsequently, in conformity with the views of the Secretary of the Treasury, increased to one hundred per cent. He also recommended the issue of treasury notes, and the establishment of a National Bank, with a capital of fifty millions, as necessary to the support of the public credit.

The first resolution of the committee, recommending the addition of 100 per cent. on the Direct Taxes, was discussed on the 24th and 25th of October, by Messrs. Rhea, Fisk, and Calhoun in favor, and by Messrs. Webster and Shipherd in opposition; and decided in the affirmative, by a vote of 89 to 38. The following is a sketch of Mr. Calhoun's remarks.]

MR. CALHOUN said, he did not rise to consider whether the war was originally just and necessary, or whether the administration had abandoned the original objects of the con

test; much less, whether the opposition, according to the very modest declaration of the member from New Hampshire (Mr. Webster), possessed all the talent and confidence of the country. His object was to call the attention of the House to the necessity of prompt and vigorous measures for the prosecution of the war. If ever a body of men, said he, held the destinies of a country in their hands, it was that which he was now addressing. You have, for an enemy, a Power the most implacable and formidable; who, now freed from any other contest, will, the very next campaign, direct the whole of his force against you. Besides his deep-rooted enmity towards this country, which will urge him to exertion, he is aware of the necessity, on his part, to bring the contest to a speedy termination. He dreads its continuance; for he well knows that, should it be maintained by us with vigor for only a few years, there will be other parties to the struggle, which may again involve him in a war with all Europe. He, then, will put forth, from spite and policy, the whole of his strength the next summer to crush us, if possible, by one mighty effort. To meet this state of things, the whole of our resources will have to be called into action; and, what is of equal importance, with such promptitude as to be ready to act as soon as the season will admit. What, then, are the duties which devolve on this House, and which must be performed, in order that we may be in a state of preparation to meet and maintain the struggle? This is the question which he proposed to consider,-not indeed in detail, but generally; in order that we may be aware of the urgent necessity for dispatch.

First, then, it will be absolutely necessary to pass these tax resolutions, or some others of equal vigor, into laws. Our finances, it is acknowledged, are much deranged; and it is also admitted, on all sides, that they can only be restored by a vigorous system of taxation. Has any member estimated how much time this will consume? It is now the 25th of

October, and we have not passed even the resolutions. At the same rate of proceeding, to settle all the complex details of the bills, and pass them into laws, will require months. In the next place, it will be necessary (he presumed no member could doubt it) to take the state of the circulating medium into consideration, and to devise some measure to render it more safe and better adapted to the purposes of finance. The single fact, that we have no proper medium commensurate in its circulation with the Union ;-that it is all localis calculated to produce much embarrassment in the operations of the treasury. But, Sir, after we have passed the taxes and established an adequate circulating medium, which must of necessity, with the closest attention, consume much time, much still will remain to be done. The army, to which the President had so strongly called our attention, has not yet claimed a moment of our time. He would not pretend to anticipate the plan which the Military Committee would doubtless submit to the House; but he would state what appeared to him indispensable to give to our arms the greatest effect with the least expenditure. He did not wish to be understood as the advocate of parsimony, but of economy, combined with effective action.

The enemy, at present, presses the war both on our seaboard and interior frontier. The nature of the contest on either will, if properly considered, indicate the mode in which it ought to be met. On the seaboard it must be strictly defensive. The enemy can make no permanent conquest of any importance there; but he hopes, by alarming and harassing the country, and putting us to an enormous expense in defending it, to break the spirit of the people, and bring us to his own terms. The only remedy in our hands, without a marching force, is to fortify as strongly as possible the cities and exposed points, and to garrison them with a sufficient number of experienced regular troops. In case of an attack they must be aided by the militia of the cities and