66 prosperous future for Spain. The deputation of the Cortes was received by Vittorio Emanuele and the King-elect in the Palazzo Pitti at Florence on Dec. 4. It is related that Prince Amadeo, when the prospect of a splendid destiny was first presented to him, would have refused to be a candidate, and only bowed to parental authority. In spite of good intentions and honest endeavor, he was not the man needed to calm the distracted nation. He lacked the necessary experience, knowledge of human nature, political sagacity, and decision of character, and he lacked true friends and earnest adherents among the Spaniards. On the day of his landing at Cartagena from the frigate "Numancia," Dec. 30, 1870, Marshal Prim, the head of the party that brought him to Spain, died of wounds in flicted by political assassins. Amadeo took the oath to support the Constitution, to respect the laws of the country and to insure their observance and execution, on Jan. 2, 1871. The new dynasty had no enthusiastic supporters, and the King, though he commanded the respect of everybody, won the affection and fidelity of none. The Queen was esteemed for her virtues; but her scholarly accomplishments were regarded with more curiosity than respect, and the proud court nobility looked upon her as scarcely of equal birth. Don Amedeo's wife was the only title that the hostile press would accord her. The amiable couple, adhering to their accustomed habits, did little to placate the characteristic Spanish jealousy of foreigners. It was impossible to secure a permanent Cabinet. The Republicans and Socialists rose in different parts of the country, and in 1872 a Carlist rebellion broke out in the north, which it was impossible to extinguish. Though warned of a plot to assassinate him on July 18, 1872, Amadeo was not deterred from taking his usual drive with his wife. When returning, about midnight, each tried to shield the other when the carriage was stopped by armed men and several shots were fired. For seven months longer the King attempted to master the increasing difficulties, refusing to deviate one step from the path of strict legality, though counselors urged him to use strong measures against his enemies. A conflict with the ministry arose. He was unwilling to promote an officer whom numerous comrades declared to be unworthy, but signed the order when the Minister of War threatened to resign. The protesting officers indignantly threw up their commissions, and the order accepting their resignations he signed likewise, and then, rising from the table, he said: "I have decided to abdicate." He adhered firmly to this resolve, in which he was strengthened by his wife, whose health had suffered and who longed for her Italian home. In announcing to the Cortes his intention, on Feb. 11, 1873, he said: "My hopes have deceived me, for Spain lives in the midst of a perpetual conflict. If my enemies had been foreigners I would not abandon the task; but they are Spaniards. I wish neither to be the king of a party nor to act illegally; and, convinced of the fruitlessness of my efforts, I renounce the crown for myself and my heirs." Castelar, who was president, proposed that the two chambers should unite and assume the sovereignty. The abdication was unanimously ac cepted by the Cortes, which, in its reply to the royal message, declared that "if any human power could check the inevitable course of events, your Majesty, through your constitutional education and respect for established right, would have averted them." On the following morning the royal couple, with their children, set out for Florence, a guard escorting them to the frontier. The Amadeist party, he jestingly told an inquirer on the voyage, had never suffered for lack of unity, as it consisted of himself alone. The prince was restored without delay to his former title of Prince Amadeo of Savoy and to all his rights and dignities in Italy. His renunciation of the right of succession to the Italian throne was annulled, and Parliament unanimously gave him again his dotation of 400,000 lire per annum. On March 12, when Amadeo was advanced to the rank of lieutenant-general, President Biancheri read to the Chamber his letter, in which he said: "A severe task was committed to me and I undertook it, offering the greatest sacrifice-that of my country-in the hope of restoring peace and tranquillity to Spain. More than two years have passed, and I leave that land more racked and rent asunder than before, as with sorrow I must own. Finding that Spain could find no happiness through me, I renounced the crown, after having faithfully kept my oath. I return to Italy. She will find in me a soldier and a patriot of whose life she can dispose." On Dec. 1, 1873, the prince was made inspector-general of the army. His wife died on Nov. 8, 1876. He lived very plainly at Turin, where he was exceedingly popular. On Sept. 8, 1888, he married for his second wife his young niece Maria Letitia, daughter of his sister Clotilde and Prince Jerome Napoleon, who bore him, on June 22, 1889, a son, to whom King Umberto has given the title of Count of Saleme. The Italian people felt a strong affection for the deceased prince, who was familiarly spoken of as Amadeo (just as the King is called by his Christian name, not by his royal title), nor did his popularity suffer from the good relations that he maintained with the Pope. ANDRASSY, Count JULIUS, a Hungarian statesman, born in Zemplin, March 8, 1823; died in Abbazia, Feb. 18, 1890. He was the second son of Count Charles Andrassy, the head of a Roman Catholic family of magnates of no great renown or antiquity, nor distinguished for wealth until he obtained a fortune by his marriage with a Countess Szapary, and was able to settle an entailed estate on each of his three boys. Count Charles was a man of bright intellect and lively wit, charming in manners, an excellent dancer and rider, with a happy faith in his own good luck, traits inherited by his son Julius, who was celebrated even in youth for his brilliant sayings and happy thoughts, and who by his external graces, amiability, and early mastery of the arts of social intercourse won the good opinions of men and women alike. From his father, whose efforts to advance science, education, and productive enterprise in Hungary made him as much disliked by the Vienna aristocracy as he was popular among his Magyar fellow-countrymen, he derived also his large and liberal political views and his ardent patriotism. He was educated at the University of Pesth, traveled abroad, and subsequently was employed by his father to obtain foreign capital for industrial schemes that were designed to promote the well-being of Hungary, and on that account were impeded by the authorities. At the age of twenty-four he was elected to the Diet at Pressburg from Zemplin, and by his first speech won a reputation as a brilliant orator. His character, principles, and associations led him to embrace the cause of the Hungarian revolution. He was one of those who COUNT JULIUS ANDRASSY. ing for English customs, and studied attentively the workings of constitutional government, while amusing himself with the distractions of fashionable society and even essaying a rôle on the turf. At the breaking out of the Crimean War, in 1854, he took up his residence in Paris, where he was always gladly received in the circles of the imperial court. Still, the part that he wished to perform, that of the Emperor's special adviser in Hungarian affairs, was accorded to Count Teleky. He soon came to the conclusion that no active aid was to be expected from France for Hungary, and that England was still less likely to interfere, and having married the Countess Katinka Kendeffy, who had been one of the belles of the season in Paris and who brought him some fortune, he took advantage in 1857 of the amnesty that had been proclaimed in the previous year, and returned to Hungary. Francis Deák, who proceeded on the principle that the Hungarians must do for themselves, welcomed the returned Andrassy as an exponent of this idea. When threatened with a war for the deliverance of the Italian provinces, the Austrian Government, anxious to secure the support or neutrality of the chief men of Hungary, offered Andrassy his former post of administrator of Zemplin, which he declined, rather than take the oath of allegiance. Humbled by the disasters of the Italian campaign, the Austrian court was constrained to enlarge the liberties of the people as a means of appeasing the general dissatisfaction. A central representative legislature was created and the autonomy of the provinsisted on speaking in the Magyar language inces was extended by the rescript of 1861. In and obtained from the Palatine, Archduke John, Hungary, Magyar was restored as the official this concession, involving the ultimate accom- language, the old courts of judicature were replishment of the national aspirations. Kossuth, established, and the legislative powers of the who counted not many members of the higher Diet were made much wider. Such concessions, aristocracy among his adherents, advanced him however, only made Deák and Andrassy, who at once to a place among the foremost politicians was elected vice-president of the Diet, more eager of the land by nominating him as a member of for the realization of the Nationalist programme, the committee charged with preparing the March comprising an independent Hungarian Parlia laws. After the installment of the Hungarian ment and ministry."Hungary can wait," said ministry by the frightened monarch on March the Liberal Premier Schmerling, and the Magyar 15, 1848, Andrassy was appointed administrator leaders stubbornly adhered to their demands till of Zemplin. He was indefatigable in organizing the defeat, in 1866, of the Austrian army by the and training the national Honved army, and Prussians shifted the center of gravity of the when the Austrian army, under Prince Windisch- empire to Hungary and gave them the congrätz, advanced on Pesth, none was more valiant trol of the situation. While Deák, who was the on the field, or earnest in council, or laborious author of the dual system that was established, in the military administration, or vehement in expounded his ideas to the Hungarian people, rousing the force of national resistance that hurled and made secure their adoption by the nation, back the invaders across their own frontier. At Andrassy was selected for the not less important the first indication of Russian interference, Kos- part of preparing the court for their acceptance suth sent him to Constantinople to seek a Turkish in preference to the ideas of the Old Conservaalliance. He failed in his effort to persuade Ab- tive magnates. Constantly on the road between dul Medjid to undertake a military intervention, Pesth and Vienna, endeavoring to bring the debut obtained a promise of asylum, upon which mands of Deák and the wishes of the Vienna Kossuth, with the remnant of his last army, circles into harmony, he developed during the beaten by overwhelming odds, escaped to Turk- Ausgleich negotiations a tireless tenacity in conish territory. Andrassy, who remained faithful junction with such pliancy and versatility in esto the national cause after most of the nobility caping difficulties and accommodating points of had deserted it, fled to France, while a court- difference that without the "providential man," martial passed sentence of death upon him, and as he was called by Deák, no Ausgleich that the he was hanged in effigy. Magyar people would accept could have been settled upon. His first years of exile were passed in England, where Hungarian refugees received the cordial sympathy of all classes, and where he in particular was a welcome guest in country houses and London drawing-rooms. He acquired a lik When the ministry was constituted, Deák, who never would take office, proposed Andrassy for minister-president, expecting, as the popular and parliamentary leader of the party, still to control the policy of the Government. But a Minister of Andrassy's bold genius. feeling the weight of responsibility resting upon himself, and having the power and patronage in his grasp, would not long submit to tutelage. The task that he undertook was the double one of educating a nation to representative self-government, in which the Magyars proved apt and eager pupils, and of gaining the approval of the Emperor-King, reared amid bureaucratic traditions strong enough to choke the constitutional development of his Cisleithan dominions. The ingrained believers in centralized despotism were astounded to see Franz Josef won over, by a revolutionist lately under sentence of death, to acquiesce in the removal of all restraints on agitation by granting complete freedom of the press. of assembly, and of association in Hungary; in the abolition of the civil and political disabilities of the Jews, notwithstanding the protests of the Conservative Magyar aristocracy; and finally in the organization of a national Honved army. When the free Hungarian people came to be looked upon as the chief bulwark of the Hapsburg Empire, when the strength and prosperity of Hungary was considered even at the expense of the Cisleithan half of the monarchy, all the Vienna traditions were thrown out of the groove, and the era was opened when the stifled nationalities of Austria could throw off the incubus of the German bureaucrats. Andrassy raised a loan of 100,000,000 florins to build railroads and public works, began the rebuilding of BudaPesth on a magnificent scale, and instituted grand projects for the development of the material and intellectual progress of the country. Having no taste or talent for economical or financial minutice or departmental details, he not only lacked the capacity to direct and supervise the execution of his plans, but intrusted the work to men whom he selected on account of their power to grasp and advocate his large political conceptions without reference to their special knowl. edge or administrative training. After four and a half years of misapplied efforts, extravagant waste, and corruption, which flourished for want of efficient checks, the Andrassy era came to an end by a process of which there is scarcely another instance in the history of constitutional states. The party declared itself insolvent and incompetent, and voluntarily resigned the reins of power to Tisza and the Left. Andrassy's genius for far-reaching political combinations is exemplified by the course of action that he adopted as Prime Minister of Hungary, which has resulted, as he foresaw and intended, in the present European equilibrium. If he had not inristed on his constitutional right to be consulted segarding the foreign policy of the empire, and even gone beyond it in his efforts to influence the mind of the Emperor, Count von Beust might have dragged Austria-Hungary into an alliance with France in his desire to thwart the aims of Bismarck and, by crippling her victorious rival, regain for Austria her dominant position in Germany. This traditional and apparently inevitable policy Count Andrassy, as the representative of Magyar antipathy to the Germans and to Prussian absolutism with its leanings toward Russia, could have been expected heartily to support; yet he exerted his whole influence to resist it, because he foresaw that if Austria resumed her preponderant position among German states the revivified Hungarian institutions would be swept away by a new tide of Germanization. The man who shaped the policy of strict neutrality naturally succeeded to the direction of the Foreign Office when the speedy downfall of the military power of France demonstrated its success and obliged Count von Beust to retire. He was anxious to knit Germany to Austria-Hungary in an indissoluble alliance, and with deep prudence and penetration allowed Bismarck to draw him into the semblance of a triple alliance between the three absolute monarchies-Austria, Germany, and Russia-at the same time working to defeat Bismarck's hidden purpose of annihilating France, annexing the Low Countries, and dragging German Austria into the empire ruled by the Hohenzollerns, allowing Russia to compensate herself by going to Constantinople, and eventu ally engulfing the Slav nationalities. While assisting at the imperial interviews, he protested against Russian activity in the East, and when the decisive moment came, rejected Bismarck's proposal of compensation by marching to Salonica. As the guardian of Hungarian interests, Andrassy circumvented the subtle schemes of the German Chancellor, whose eyes were not opened until, in 1875, he received the distinct warning that Russia would intervene in the event of an aggressive attack against France. The pros pect of a Franco-Russian alliance compelled Bismarck to reflect upon the consequences of Andrassy's declared policy of absolute neutrality, though with characteristic toughness, each clung to his preconceived aims. When the Russian army stood before the gates of Constantinople, it was Austria and England who ordered a halt, and in the Berlin Congress Count Andrassy took the leading part in compelling Russia to recede from the treaty of San Stefano. In accepting the mandate to occupy Bosnia and Herzegovina as compensation for the Russian gains, he desired to defeat the Panslavistic idea and make valid geographical and strategical, rather than ethnological principles in respect to the eventual partition of the Turkish Empire. The occupation was unpopular with the Austrians, and still more so with the Magyars, who were indignant at their countryman for taking part in the dismemberment of the Ottoman Empire. He anticipated no difficulty in taking possession of the provinces. It would be simply a military promenade, he promised, “with bands playing." The Ministry of War was as unready as usual, drawing from him the jibe that it was "with horses, not asses" that he expected to march to Serajevo in a few days. The revolt of the Bosnians rendered the role of joint protectress of the Christians of Turkey ridiculous for Austria, and the ridicule was borne by the minister whose shrewd stroke of policy had apparently miscarried. In 1879 the Austro-German alliance was concluded-not in the form that he desired of a solemn treaty, ratified by the Reichsrath and the Hungarian Parliament, but as a secret pact between the princes. It was Bismarck who dominated the situation that Andrassy had labored to bring about. Two great minds were not needed to direct the course of the league. The Iron Chancellor, who intended to make use of the league as a prop for the principle of absolutism and for his reactionary and repressive methods of government, had no desire to work with a statesman who not only was his equal in the field of high politics and diplomacy, but was a conspicuous representative of parliamentarism and modern liberalism. In Austria Andrassy's position was impaired by his unpopular Oriental policy. He had been always disliked in the Conservative court circles as a rebel, an advocate of subversive ideas, and he incurred the active hostility of a large number of influential people during the period of his ascendency over the mind of the Emperor by working out a great plan for the reorganization and invigoration of the civil departments and military administration that would drive a host of sleepy placemen from their sinecures. That he had lost his complete ascendency, was revealed to him when Franz Josef refused to make public the German alliance, and still more clearly when the Emperor expressed displeasure and annoyance at Andrassy's having signed a convention reaffirming the Sultan's suzerainty over the occupied provinces and permitting Turkish troops to share the duty of garrisoning the frontier towns. The minister, wishing to retire to private life for a while, in order to restore his fortune, which he had seriously impaired by his magnificent hospitalities, resigned in the confident expectation of being recalled. All Europe wondered at the unaccountable withdrawal of one of the directing minds in international politics, and in the Hapsburg dominions no one could understand how the affairs of the monarchy could be carried on while the towering personality who had acted as chancellor and adviser of the ruler on all important matters stood idly by. Every one looked for his recall every one knew that if he raised his voice in Parliament or in the delegations, he might have returned to the palace on the Ballplatz with the whole Hungarian nation at his back. The foreign policy of the empire followed the course that he had marked out for it. When Italy entered the league of peace, Prince Bismarck found himself compelled, after all, to act with the ministers of a modern constitutional state. Count Kalnoky did not combat the designs of Russia as vigorously as he would have done, yet he refrained from every word or act that could cause embarrassment, and awaited with dignity and patience the moment when the Emperor should call him back to his old place. When difficult questions came up, the Emperor always called him into consultation. In 1885 he rendered Tisza an important service by inducing the Hungarian aristocracy to accept the reform of the House of Magnates, and in 1890, while tortured with the fatal malady of cancer of the bladder, he sent his son to urge in his name the passage of the new Honved bill. ANGLICAN CHURCHES. Statistics of Benevolent Contributions and Confirmations.-The Year-Book of the Church of England gives from year to year tables and reviews showing the condition and advance of the numerous institutions and enterprises connected with the Church of England, and usually contains new matter concerning interests not before, or only briefly noticed. The eighth volume, for 1890, includes enlarged reports of convalescent homes; a new table of Sunday-School associations, containing a list of two hundred such bodies arranged by dioceses; and a digest of the discussions and acts of the various Church bodies -convocations, the House of Laymen, and diocesan conferences-during the past four years. Its tables show that the Church spends a million sterling or more every year on fresh enterprises of church extension, while also increasing nearly every year the sums raised for home and foreign missions, elementary education, hospitals, and other educational and benevolent objects. Since 1811 nearly £33,000,000 have been devoted to the building and maintenance of training schools and colleges, £17,500,000 having been spent in this manner since 1870, when the first education act was passed. In 1888 the sum voluntarily given to these purposes exceeded £888,000. The increase in the number of persons confirmed, as recorded in former YearBooks, is maintained and enlarged. From 1874 to 1876 the number averaged 144,000 a year; in the past three years the average was 220,000, showing an increase of more than 50 per cent. This growth appears to have been concurrent with the establishment of six new dioceses, and with an increase in the number of centers in which confirmations were held from less than 1,700 to more than 2,300. Of the £38,240 contributed in 1889 to the Metropolitan Hospital Sunday fund, the Church furnished £30,611. Of the whole amount of the collections for this fund for seventeen years, since it was instituted, £512,476, the Church has given £389,542, or fully 75 per cent. The record of a movement for promoting higher religious education among all classes, and more particularly among those who have some leisure on week days, is noticed in the Year-Book for the first time. It began in the diocese of Oxford, and has extended to the dioceses of Winchester, Salisbury, Exeter, Bath and Wells, and Hereford. Its method of operations consists in providing popular lectures on a Scriptural or other ecclesiastical subject for a term of weeks or months, giving individual help in classes, inviting candidates to examination, and generally inducing people to seek precise and definite knowledge on religious subjects. Society for the Propagation of the Gos pel.-The annual meeting of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts was held May 1. The Archbishop of Canterbury presided. The gross income of the society for the year had been £125,038. There were now on the list of the society's agents, including 10 bishops, 646 ordained missionaries, of whom 205 were laboring in Asia, 147 in Africa, 14 in Australia and the Pacific, 210 in North America, 35 in the West Indies, and 35 in Europe. Of the whole number 121 were natives laboring in Asia, and 26 in Africa. There were also in the various missions about 2,300 lay teachers, 2,650 students in the colleges, and 38,000 children in the mission schools in Asia and Africa. A mission to North Borneo had been added to the society's enterprises in the previous year; the new features of the present year had been the departure of the first Episcopal Missionary to New Guinea and the consecration of the first Bishop of Corea. Twenty-five new missionaries had been recommended for appointment. Church Missionary Society. The ninetyfirst annual meeting of the Church Missionary Society was held in London, May 6. The receipts for the year had been £260,582, and the payments £224,585. The society had in its service, at 297 stations, 282 ordained, 51 lay, and 57 women-in all. 390 European missionaries, with 287 native and Eurasian clergy, and 4,210 native teachers. The number of native Christian adherents was 187,785; of native communicants, 46,520; and of schools, 1,772, with, so far as was reported, 72,277 pupils. Convocation of Canterbury.-The Convocation of Canterbury met for the dispatch of business Feb. 12. A petition was presented in the upper house submitting that the trial of bishops by their metropolitan otherwise than in their provincial synods is contrary to the primitive constitution and order of the Church. On a question that had arisen concerning the relations and privileges of the two houses, the upper house concurred with the lower house that declarations were objectionable which might seem either to narrow or widen the present limits of discussion in that body; defined it to be the duty of the lower house in cases in which it is proposed that the result of the discussion of any question should be the passing of a synodical act or the making of a declaration upon doctrine to bring the subject under the notice of the upper house by way of petition; and stated that the publication of documents, other than reports in their proper form, on the sole authority of the lower house, is at variance with the ancient custom and constitution of Convocation. The lower house expressed the opinion, in a resolution, "that the time has come when the Church can with advantage avail herself of the voluntary self-devotion of brotherhoods, both clerical and lay, the members of which are willing to labor in the service of the Church without appealing for funds to any form of public support," and that "the members of such brotherhoods shall be allowed to bind themselves by dispensable vows of celibacy, poverty, and obedience." The House of Laymen declared that an early settlement of the tithe rent-charge in the present session of Parliament was urgently desired, and that such settlement should follow the lines of the Government bills of 1888 in providing for the payment of the rent-charge out of the rent of the land when the ownership and occupation are severed, and for the recovery of the rent-charge by county court proceedings. A resolution was unanimously adopted condemning the traffic in strong drink carried on by European traders among the native races of Africa "as a serious obstacle to the progress of Christianity and civilization, and opposed to the true interest of commerce." In another resolution a number of modifications were specified as required in the Burial Acts and their administration. A report, denying the power of Convocation to change its own constitution and declaring that such power lies only in the Crown and ministers, and that no effectual reform can be carried out without the intervention of Parliament, was referred back for further consideration. Resolutions were adopted respecting Sunday observance. The Convocation met again May 6. The upper house considered and approved a revision of the form of 1714 "for admitting converts from the Church of Rome, and such others as shall renounce their errors, and for restoring those who have relapsed." The report on sisterhoods and deaconesses having been brought forward, the first section, declaring that the house, "recognizing the value of sisterhoods and deaconesses and the importance of their work, considers that the Church ought to extend to them her care and guidance," was adopted. The second section, permitting those who enter a sisterhood, after an adequate term of probation, to undertake life-long engagements to the work of the community, was amended by adding a proviso that such engagements shall be liable to release by competent authority. A statement was made in the presence of the prolocutor and assessors of the lower house, who attended for the purpose of receiving it, on question of the privileges of the lower house, in reference to which a resolution had been passed in February, and a point demanding definition was referred to the archbishop. The lower house, in reference to this subject, requested the president (the archbishop) to appoint a committee of the upper house to confer with the committee of the lower house. Resolutions passed in reference to the Educational Code embodied a declaration respecting "free education" that the house regarded it essential that no new restrictions should be placed upon the teaching of the Christian faith as held by the Church of England, or upon the moral training founded thereon in Church schools. A resolution was adopted in favor of making, in connection with the next decennial census, an enumeration of the people by their denominational affiliations. The House of Laymen adopted resolutions respecting the observance of Sunday; approving a system of diocesan church trusts; favoring a summary and inexpensive procedure for the trial of criminous clerks; inviting the institution of a "higher class" of lay readers appointed by and responsible to the bishop; recommending the institution of brotherhoods, whose rules should be approved by the bishop of the diocese, and who should work in subordination to him, and on the invitation and under the sanction of the incumbent of the parish; and opposing the Deceased Wife's Sister Bill. A resolution was adopted to the effect that the Church of England contains the framework upon which an organization for the encouragement of national thrift might be constructed, and favoring the formation of committees for the circulation of information on the subject. Convocation of York.-The Convocation of York met for the dispatch of business April 15. A message on the subject of lay representation, submitted to the upper house by the president, was agreed to, to be transmitted to the lower house. It proposed the appointment during the year of a house of laymen. The president, in offering it, suggested that the step should be regarded as an experiment subject to revision in the first year of the next convocation, and that no part of the scheme should be regarded as final. He had been advised, and was convinced that he had no right to sanction the appointment of a lay house to sit with the House of |