tory in dispute was left to be divided when the two governments could reach an agreement, and in the mean time to be administered in common. From that time the district has been treated as neutral. It was supposed that its perpetual neutrality was guaranteed, till in 1890 the Prussian Government and the Belgian Government, which succeeded to the rights of the Netherlands, agreed on a line dividing the commune.

International Miners' Congress.-Thomas Burt and Thomas Fenwick, two of the workingmen members of the British Parliament, while attending the Labor Congress at Paris in 1889, suggested to the miners that they met there the advisability of holding an international congress of miners to discuss their special interests. The wealthy miners' trade unions of Great Britain, containing 395,000 members, undertook to convoke the Congress in England, but the correspondence convinced them that a place on the Continent would suit the miners of different countries much better, and at the suggestion of the Belgian Labor party Jolimont, in the mining district of Belgium, was fixed upon.

The Congress met on May 20, 1890, in the hall built with the profits of the co-operative bakery established by the Labor party in 1886. The English delegation was thirty-six strong, five of the delegates being members of Parliament. The Belgian miners were represented by fifty delegates. There were seven delegates from France, one of whom, representing the Decazeville miners, was ex-Deputy Basly. From Germany five delegates were sent, notwithstanding the heavy penalties against participation in international meetings of workinen. They were not chosen by trade unions, because that would entail the suppression of the unions, but by public meetings, and more would have come except for the doubts regarding this mode of appointment. Austrian miners were represented by a delegate from Prague.

Mr. Burt was chosen president for the English and M. Cavrot for the French speaking section. The appearance of gendarmes and the inquiries instituted by the Minister of the Interior concerning the foreign delegates gave the impression that the foreign members of the Congress were to be expelled. A resolution that miners should work only eight hours a day was adopted unanimously. The proposition contained in a further resolution that the limitation should be enforced by legal enactment was opposed by several English trade-unionists. Still, the majority voted with the Belgian, French, and German delegates, all of whom were Socialists, in favor of an eight-hour law. An instruction, originally proceeding from the Marxist party, announcing a general international strike of miners for eight hours on May 1. 1891, was strongly reprobated by most of the British members, who said that they did not rule the unions and had no authority to order a strike or to pledge assistance. The others were therefore compelled to accept a resolution in favor of a new Congress in April, 1891, to deal with the question after consultation with their constituents. The Congress voted approval of national trades unions to be formed for national purposes and of an international miners' federation for international purposes, and it appointed a com

mittee of two delegates from each nation to act as the organizers and serve as the nucleus of the International Federation.

Customs Conference. The international conference for the publication of customs tariffs assembled at Brussels on July 1, 1890. To the countries that took part in the conference of 1888 were added Austria - Hungary, France, Japan, the Netherlands, and several of the South American republics. One of the questions considered was the establishment of an international office at Brussels to publish in the principal languages the customs laws and tariffs of all nations, the costs of which are apportioned among the countries entering into the arrangement in proportion to the volume of their foreign trade. The convention for the establishment of the bureau was signed on July 5, with separate acts relating to the method of carrying out its provisions and the payment of expenses.

BOLIVIA, a republic in South America. The executive power is vested in a President, who is elected for four years. Don Aniceto Arce entered on his presidential term on Aug. 1, 1888. The members of both the Senate and the Chamber of Deputies are elected by universal suffrage. The Cabinet in the beginning of 1890 was composed of the following ministers: Foreign Affairs, Juan C. Carillo; Finance, Pedro Garcia; Interior, J. M. del Carpio; Justice, J. Pol; War, Col. A. Rojas.

Area and Population.-The area of Bolivia is estimated at 772,548 square miles, and the population at 1,192,162 persons, exclusive of the aborigines, who are not admitted to citizenship. La Paz, the capital, has 56,849 inhabitants. There were 23,558 pupils attending the 443 primary schools in 1888, 2,347 in the 19 secondary schools, and 743 students of law, medicine, and theology in the 4 universities.

Commerce and Production.-The average annual value of imports is $6,000,000 and of exports $10,000,000. Two thirds of the exports consist of silver. Other articles of export are gold, copper, tin, cinchona bark, coca leaves, India-rubber, gum, coffee, and nitre. There were exported in 1888 by way of Buenos Ayres silver of the value of 5,487,835 dollars in Argentine currency and gold of the value of 1,201,226 Argentine dollars. The imports of textiles and other commodities through Buenos Ayres amounted to 518,588 dollars. A large proportion of the imports, consisting of iron manufactures, machinery, cotton goods, carriages, coal, etc., come from Great Britain, mainly through the Peruvian port of Arica. There is also a large and increasing trade with Germany and France. The railroad connecting the Chilian port of Antofagasta with Ascotan on the Bolivian frontier is being continued to Oruro. There is a telegraph from Lake Titicaca to Sucré, and one extending from the Pacific coast through the capital and Potosi to the Argentine frontier. The number of messages in 1886 was 16,127; the number of letters carried by the post-office, 1,525,606.

Finances. In the budget for 1887-'88 the revenue was estimated at 3,665,790 bolivianos or dollars, and the expenditure at 4,599.225 bolivi

bolivianos, and the internal debt at 8,736,075 bolivianos. Floating liabilities are said to swell the total to more than double these sums. Over two thirds of the public revenue is devoted to maintaining the standing army of 2,000 men and 1,020 officers and the National Guard, in which all citizens are obliged to serve.

Revolutionary Manifestations. In the summer of 1890 various violent attempts to overthrow the Government were made. În different parts of the country risings took place. The most serious one was led by Camacho, whose force was defeated and dispersed in the middle of July. The Government declared over the whole republic a state of siege, and several political leaders were arrested and escorted to the frontier.

BOUCICAULT, DION, a British dramatist and actor, born in Dublin, Ireland, Dec. 26, 1822; died in New York city, Sept. 18, 1890. He was the son of a French merchant in Dublin, and his education was conducted by his guard

BOUCICAULT AS CONN, IN THE SHAUGHRAUN." ian, Dr. Dionysius Lardner, of the University of London, who designed to make him an architect and civil engineer; but unusual ability for dramatic composition developed so early that the studies were abandoned. Before the age of

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eighteen he had written "Napoleon's Old Guard" and "A Lover by Proxy," a farce, from the preparation of which sprang his next play, "London Assurance," which was at once successful, and has held the stage ever since. His account of the way it came to be written is as follows: Mathews was then in power, and to him I submitted the farce, which he promised to read. I called on him several times, but of course did not succeed in getting an audience. Finally I caught him dining and was admitted to his presence. Ah, young man,' he said, 'you wish to know my verdict on your farce? It is promising, in fact, clever; but I can not produce it at present, for my time is filled up. However, if you care to leave it, I'll see what can be done hereafter. There are good points in Harry Lawless. If I had a part like that in a five-act play, I'd jump at it.' Well, I knew that Mathews had not the remotest idea of bringing out my farce, but I saw light in his remark regarding a five-act play. I went home and began London Assurance, and in six weeks completed it. This was in March, 1841, at the age of eighteen. Again I went to Mathews and showed him the comedy. 'But I ordered no comedy,' he exclaimed. "I am aware of that,' I replied. You did say, however, that if you had a part like Harry Lawless in a five-act comedy you'd jump at it. I've writ ten such a character for you.' What!' he cried, 'do you mean to say you've written a five-act comedy in six weeks, on my suggestion?' 'Yes.' My perseverance so astounded Mathews that his indifference turned to interest. He read ⚫ London Assurance,' accepted it, and, when I read it to the actors of Covent Garden, Madame Vestris was so pleased that she came to me, saying: 'Whatever may be the public verdict, we feel sure that you have written a great comedy."

His next success was "Old Heads and Young Hearts," 1843. He continued to write or adapt plays until 1853, when he also went upon the stage as an actor. In the same year he married Agnes Robertson, an actress, and came to the United States, where he delivered lectures and he and his wife acted. In 1858 he established a theatre in Washington, and in the following year he remodeled the Metropolitan Theatre in New York, naming it "Winter Garden." In 1860 he returned to London, and there brought out, at the Adelphi, his famous Irish play of "Colleen Bawn," founded on Gerald Griffin's novel of "The Collegians." The next year, at the same place, he produced his successful play, "The Octoroon," which was intended to set forth the evils of American slavery. Drama followed drama in rapid succession, some being original and some adaptations from the French. Of his three hundred plays, some of the best known of this period are: Dot," and "The Relief of Lucknow," 1862; "The Trial of Effie Deans," 1863; "The Streets of London," 1864; Arrah-naPogue," 1865; "The Flying Scud," Hunted Down," "The Long Strike," 1866: "How she loves him," and, in connection with Charles Reade, a dramatization of the latter's novel of "Foul Play," 1867; "After Dark," 1868; "Lost at Sea" and "Formosa." 1869: "The Rapparee" and "Jezebel," 1870; "Babil and Bijou," 1872.

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The dramatization of Washington Irving's story of "Rip van Winkle," made world-famous

through the acting of Joseph Jefferson, is usually attributed to Boucicault's pen. Jefferson, in his autobiography, says of the play: "Rip van Winkle' was not a sudden success. It did not burst upon the public like a torrent. Its flow was gradual, and its source sprang from the Hartz mountains, an old German legend, called Carl, the Shepherd,' being the name of the original story. The genius of Washington Irving transplanted the tale to our own Catskills. The grace with which he paints the scene, and, still more, the quaintness of the story, placed it far above the original. Yates, Hackett, and Burke had separate dramas written upon this scene, and acted the hero, leaving their traditions one to the other. I now came forth, and, saying 'Give me leave,' set to work, using some of the beforementioned tradition, mark you. Added to this, Dion Boucicault brought his dramatic skill to bear, and, by important additions, made a better play and a more interesting character of the hero than had as yet been reached. This adaptation, in my turn, I interpreted and enlarged upon. It is thus evident that, while I may have done much to render the character and the play popular, it has not been the work of one mind, but, both as to its narrative and its dramatic form, has been often molded, and by many skillful hands."

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In 1873 Boucicault brought out, at Booth's Theatre, in New York, his Irish play Daddy O'Dowd"; at Wallack's, "Mora and Mimi"; and at the Union Square, "Led Astray." He returned to the United States to remain, and, in connection with William Stuart, opened the New Park Theatre. Among his other plays are "Janet's Pride," "Louis XI," "Faust and Marguerite," Paul Lefarge,' "A Dark Night's Work," "The Dead Secret," Andy Blake," and The Shaughraun," which was produced at Wallack's Theatre (now the Star), ran for a whole season, and has been often revived with success. Mr. Boucicault established a school for acting, and devoted much of his time to it. He insisted upon higher rates of compensation for the dramatic author, made the play the leading attraction, and so endeavored to elevate his profession. Unfortunately for his personal fame, after many years, and when their children were already upon the stage as actors, he separated from Agnes Robertson, with the declaration that he had never been legally married. Several years later he married, in Australia, Miss Louise Thorndyke, an actress. At the time of his death he was at work upon a dramatization of Bret Harte's story "The Luck of Roaring Camp."

BOYCOTT. The boycott is an ancient custom under a new name. It may be defined as a policy of social excommunication. Although the policy is thoroughly American, the name "boycott" was given it in Ireland. The policy was first recommended to the Irish people by James Redpath, who, during the land agitation in Ireland in 1880 advised it, in the following words: "Call up the terrible power of social excommunication. If any man is evicted from his holding, let no man take it. If any man is mean enough to take it, don't shoot him, but treat him as a leper. Encircle him with silence. Let no man nor woman talk to him nor to his wife nor children. If his children appear in the streets, don't let your children speak to them. If

they go to school, take your children away. If the man goes to buy goods in a shop, tell the shopkeeper that if he deals with him you will never trade with him again. If the man or his folk go to church, leave it as they enter. If ever death comes, let the man' die unattended save by the priest, and let him be buried unpitied. The sooner such men die, the better for Ireland. If the landlord takes the ground, let no man work for him. Let his potatoes remain undug, his grass uncut, his crop wither in the field. .. When an honest tenant, unable to pay his rent on account of bad crops, is evicted from his farm, let no man take it; but if any man does take it, do not speak to him nor sell to him nor work for him nor stand at the same altar with him; let him feel that he is accursed and cast out from all your sympathies, he and every member of his family. Act toward him as the Queen of England would act toward your good wife, if she lived in Clonbur. Act toward his children as the Queen of England would act toward your children. The Queen of England would not speak to you, she would not speak to your wife, she would not speak to your children. She would not regard you, nor your wife, nor your children as her equals. Now imitate the Queen of England, and don't speak to a land-grabber, nor a land-grabber's wife, nor to a land-grabber's children. They are not your equals. Do as the Queen of England does, and you will violate no law of England. . . . This is no new policy I am advocating, only a new application of an ancient policy. Once Europe was a vast camp of armed men. And yet we read that the haughtiest Emperor of Europe was once forced to kneel in the snow, a suppliant, for three days and nights at the door of a priest who had not an armed soldier to obey his orders. What power brought the armored prince to the feet of the unarmored pope? It was the terrible weapon of religious excommunication. That weapon you can not wield in defense of your rights; but the next keenest weapon-the power of social excommunication-is yours, and no law of the state or the Church forbids you to draw it."

Mr. Redpath gives the following account of the naming of this policy: "Capt. Boycott came into that country seventeen years ago [1863], but had not lived there five years before he won the reputation of being the worst land-agent in the County Mayo. . . . The land agitation suddenly aroused the tenantry to a sense of their power, which they could wield without violating any law, if they would combine and act as one man. The first use of this power against Boycott was made when he sent last summer for the tenantry of the estates for which he was agent, to cut the oats on his farm. The whole neighborhood declined to work for him. . . . The people assembled, and I was told by (it would

ruin him if I were to give his name) that. he told the people about my prediction of the effects of a strike against the landlords, in my Clare Morris speech, and advised them to try it on Boycott at once. The men advised Boycott's herdsmen and drivers to strike, and the women advised Boycott's servant girls to strike, and that evening every one of them left his house. Next morning when Mrs. Boycott went to buy bread, the shopkeeper told her that,

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although she was a decent woman and they all liked her, they couldn't stand that baste of a husband of hers any longer,' and they really couldn't sell her any more bread. Boycott was isolated. . . . Three days after the decree of social excommunication was issued against Boycott I was dining with Rev. John O'Malley, and he asked me why I was not eating. I said I am bothered about a word.' What is it?' asked Father John. Well,' said I, when the people ostracize a land-grabber we call it social excommunication, but we ought to have an entirely different word to signify ostracism applied to a landlord or land-agent like Boycott. Ostracism won't do, the peasantry would not know the meaning of the word, and I can't think of anything.' 'No' said Father John; how would it do to call it "to boycott him." Then I was delighted, and I said: Tell your people to call it boycotting, so that when the reporters come down from London and Dublin they will hear the word; use it yourself. . . and I will ask the young orators of the Land League to give it that name: and I will use it myself in my correspondence."

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The boycott was one of the methods adopted by the patriots of the American Revolution as a defense against the tyranny of Great Britain. When King George and his ministers attempted to tax the colonies unjustly, agreements were drawn up by the Sons of Liberty and presented for signature to all the principal citizens of the colonies. By these agreements the signers bound themselves not to import. purchase, nor make use of certain articles produced or manufactured out of North America, such as teas, wines, and liquors." Homespun parties' were given where nothing of foreign importation appeared in the dresses or on the table. Even wedding festivities were conducted upon patriotic principles. It is related that at the marriage of Miss Dora Flint, at Windham, Conn., in December, 1767, the ladies were all arrayed in garments of domestic manufacture. The refreshments were all of domestic produce. In many of the principal towns of the colonies "committees of correspondence" were appointed who were to write to other towns and impress upon the people there the importance of this boycott, or, as it was then called, this “non-importation agreement." The Boston committee was most active. It was composed of Samuel Adams, John Hancock, James Bowdoin, John Adams, William Phillips, Joseph Warren, and Josiah Quincy. The circular which they sent out, known as the Boston circular, was sent throughout all the colonies. On Jan. 29, 1770, the inhabitants of Norwich, Conn., met in public mass meeting and resolved: "We give our hearty and unanimous approbation to the agreement the merchants have entered into to stop the importation of British goods; we will frown upon all who endeavor to frustrate these good designs, and avoid all correspondence and dealings with those merchants who shall dare to violate these obligations." By May, 1770, three hundred and sixty individuals, mostly heads of families had put their names to the non-importation agreements. All over the country committees, variously called "committees of inspection" or "committees of observation," were

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appointed to make critical examination into the conduct of all buyers and sellers of goods, and to publish the names of those who failed to respect the boycott, "to the intent that such persons might be exposed to the odium and resentment of the people." Any person found to have violated the boycott had his name posted in handbills and in the newspapers, a proceeding." says a writer of that day. "which was usually followed by insults at least from the boys and populace." Ebenezer Punderson, the schoolmaster at Norwich, drank tea in spite of the boycott until the committee of inspection posted him and ordered "that no trade. commerce, dealings, or intercourse whatever be carried on with him," when he found it advisable to refrain from tea-drinking. The committee of observation of Cumberland County, N. J., reported that Silas Newcomb drank tea" and was determined to persist in that practice," and recommended that the people "break off all dealings with him, and in this manner publish the truth of the case, that he might be distinguished from the friends of American liberty." This was so effective that on May 11, 1775, Silas Newcomb formally, publicly, and in writing, recanted. In Boston, two or three brothers named McMasters sold the boycotted goods. On June 19, 1770, one of them was taken and carted in the heat of the day, with a bag of feathers and some tar in a barrel by his side, to King Street, where it was intended to expose him to public view besmeared with the one and coated with the other. But as he drew near the spot, his color forsook his lips, his eyes sank, and he was about to fall lifeless in the cart, when some gentlemen begged permission to take him into a house. Cordials were administered and McMasters was revived, and upon his solemn promise to go away and never return he was excused from this newly invented punishment, and carted, sitting in his chair, to the Roxbury line, where he was dismissed.

A printer in New York city published a Tory newspaper, and was boycotted very generally by the people of New Jersey. One of these boycotts reads as follows: "We esteem him as an incendiary employed by a wicked ministry to disunite and divide us; and, therefore, we will not for ourselves have any connection or dealing with him, and do recommend the same conduct toward him to every person in this township; and we will discountenance any post-rider, stage driver, or carrier who shall bring his pamphlets or papers into this country." The inhabitants of Staten Island found it hard to relinquish their tea or their newspaper; and the committees of observation of the adjoining counties reported that the people of New Jersey "are bound to break off all trade, commerce, dealings, and intercourse whatever with the inhabitants of said island; and do resolve that all trade, commerce dealings, and intercourse whatever be suspended accordingly, which suspension is hereby notified and recommended to the inhabitants of their district, to be by them universally observed and adopted."

The attempt of the British to break the boycott by sending to America ships freighted with tea which was to be sold by specially appointed agents and at a reduced price was well known.

The inhabitants of New York and Philadelphia sent the ships back to London. The tea at Charleston, S. C., was stored in cellars, where it could not be used and where it finally spoiled. In Boston men disguised as Indians boarded the ships and threw their cargoes into the sea. On Nov. 22, 1774, a brig landed a cargo of tea at Greenwich, N. J., but a party of the Sons of Liberty, headed by Ebenezer Elmer, afterward a member of Congress, destroyed it by fire. The attempt to break down the boycott on tea was everywhere unsuccessful.

These boycotts of revolutionary times were remarkable because of their extension over so large a territory, the unanimity with which they were enforced by the people of the colonies, and the number of years which they lasted; nor, in estimating their importance, should the result which they were largely instrumental in accomplishing be forgotten.

McMaster, in his "History of the People of the United States" (Vol. I, p. 404), gives an amusing and instructive account of a boycott declared by New Jersey and the people of Connecticut against New York in 1787. The embargoes laid by Congress upon shipping in ports of the United States in 1794 and 1806 were little less than boy cotts as now understood. They were declared by one nation against another, yet they were enforced by the approbation of the people; and when declared by the national authorities to be at an end were still continued by private action in some parts of the country. There is still another American boycott, whose full history has never been completely written. Albion W. Tourgee, in his novels, has shown part of its operation: much concerning it is no doubt contained in diaries, in private correspondence, and in newspapers. This is the policy of social excommunication with which the South met the Northern emigrants or "carpet-baggers" after the civil war. This procedure is of peculiar value in tracing the history of the boycott, for James Redpath lived in the South in those days, saw the policy of social ostracism put into force. watched its operations, and noticed its failures - which were few-and its successes- which were many. From his experiences of that time were derived his suggestions and recommendations of this policy to the Irish, which have been already mentioned. The boycott is, therefore, an American custom with an Irish name. most remarkable instance in the recent history of the boycott was the suggestion put forth by several newspapers in the Southern States in July, 1890, to boycott all Northern men and manufacturers if a certain bill giving control over elections of Federal officers to United States officials was passed by Congress.

The

BRAZIL, a republic in South America, constituted under the name of the United States of Brazil on the overthrow of the Imperial Government and dethronement of Dom Pedro II, Nov. 15, 1889. The Emperor in 1887, when he went to Europe on account of his health, committed the Government to the Crown Princess, Dona Ysabel, whose subjection to the influence of Jesuits was generally resented. Her husband. Gaston d'Orleans, Count d'Eu, was still more disliked, and the Republicans were determined that the monarchy should end with the reign of

Dom Pedro. The Crown Princess by the interest that she showed in the abolition movement aroused the animosity of the planters, and by the sudden decree of unconditional emancipation, issued May 13. 1888, made numerous powerful and unrelenting enemies. Her opposition to religious liberty, the rose of virtue sent to her by the Pope, and the subservience to the clergy that she showed openly made the whole country distrustful of her capacity to rule. In May, 1889, João Alfredo was replaced as Prime Minister by Ouro Preto, who instituted an adventurous and extravagant economical policy, demoralized the civil service, fostered corruption, and roused the suspicion in the army, where the antagonism to the Count d'Eu and the princess regent was keenest, that he intended to supplant it with a new body, the National Guard, that could be depended on to fight for the dynasty and reactionary principles. A plot was organized among the officers to drive the unpopular ministry from power by a military revolt. The politicians of the Liberal party, the planters, and all the enemies of the Crown Princess were prepared to support the movement, and the juncture was adroitly utilized by the organizers of the plot to overturn the dynasty at the same time and to proclaim a republic, assuming themselves the chief offices in the Provisional Government. Arbitrary rule, corruption, the perversion of justice, systematic oppression, and neglect of the army and navy, and the intention avowed in the ministerial press to disband and abolish the two services and create in their stead an organization more pliant to official influence were the reasons for the revolt alleged in Marshal Deodoro's letter to Dom Pedro of Nov. 16, 1889. The revolutionary Government was composed in the beginning of the following heads of departments: Chief of the Provisional Government, Marshal Deodoro da Fonseca; Minister of the Interior, Aristides da Silveira Lobo; Minister of Finance, Dr. Ruy Barbosa; Minister of War, Benjamin Constant; Minister of Marine, Rear-Admiral Eduardo Wandenkolk; Minister of Foreign Affairs, Quintano Bocayuva.

Area and Population.—The area of the different provinces or States and their population, as officially estimated in 1888, are given in the following table: