corruption of the present Parliament was, and is, the cause of its present existence.'-Id., p. 30. The infusion of new and fresh blood into the constituencies' which send such men to Parliament would, he considers, do wonders; for it would bring the rich and great more into contact with the people. 'Now, if the Clerk of the House of Commons were placed at Temple Bar, and if he had orders to tap upon the shoulder every well-dressed and apparently cleanly-washed man who passed through that ancient bar, until he had numbered 658; and if the Crown summoned these 658 to be the Parliament of the United Kingdom, my honest conviction is that you would have a better Parliament than now exists.'-Id., p. 31. We have purposely abstained from offering any remarks upon the present position of the Reform question. So rapid is the movement of events, so sudden and extraordinary are the changes of parties, that any observations we might make would probably be as antiquated as a dissertation upon the Heptarchy before these pages could reach our readers' hands. There is no longer a struggle of contending principles between the two great parties in the state, but a competition between them to gain the favour and do the bidding of the Democratic leaders. We have no desire to add to the embarrassments of the Conservative party by useless recriminations or idle reproaches. But we cannot change our principles at the waving of the wand of a Ministerial Prospero. In our remarks on the 'Change of Ministry' last year we ventured to offer the following advice:-The attitude which the Conservative party ought to assume in reference to the question of Reform must depend on the strength which they find they possess in the House of Commons. If they can command an assured support which shall enable them to secure that the terms of any compromise adopted shall be really moderate, it may be wise to close the controversy, so far as it can be closed by any action of theirs. But to bring forward any measure affecting the representation of the people, in the presence of adverse forces strong enough to engraft Democratic amendments upon it, would be to throw away all the advantages which the labours of this session have secured.* The course we deprecated has been adopted, and we are reaping the fruits in the humiliating position which the Government and the Conservative party now occupy. The cause, however, is not yet lost. Un * Quarterly Review,' July 1866, p. 279. doubtedly doubtedly the desertion of those who had undertaken to mount guard over the citadel of the Constitution leaves us in but evil plight, either for defence or for negotiation. It may be as a consequence of the policy, which under the guidance of untoward counsels a Conservative cabinet has adopted, that the Conservative party will for many years be paralyzed. As we write, the House of Commons finds itself in the strange predicament of having to choose between the Radical policy of a Conservative leader, and the less violent proposals of Mr. Gladstone and Mr. Bright. It is terrible that the frailty of public men should ever have placed such an alternative before a Constitutional party. The decisive division, even if it have not been taken before these pages reach our readers' hands, cannot be long delayed. Whatever its issue, there is yet no cause for despondency, far less for despair. Never was there a period in which real Conservative principles were more firmly rooted in the hearts and minds of the great body of the people. Never did all the elements of a great Conservative party exist in greater forceloyalty to the throne, attachment to the church, respect for the rights and opinions of others, and love of real freedom as opposed to the tyranny of the despot or the mob-elements which may easily be welded together into a firm and solid mass, receive fresh life and vigour, and be led to victory and power. We still possess leaders who have shown that they value honour and consistency, the public welfare and the claims of duty, more than the sweets of office, or even the ties of party allegiance. ERRATUM IN THE NUMBER For January. P. 178, line 5 of notes. For celebration of Easter, read calculation of Easter. INDEX. Vol. 122.-No. 244. 2 Q INDEX TO THE HUNDRED AND TWENTY-SECOND VOLUME OF THE QUARTERLY REVIEW. A. ABSENTEEISM (Irish), suggested remedy Africa, iron working in, 419-equato- Alban's Church (St.), the chief temple American game laws, 149. religions, 453-in the New World school-books sacrificing truth and 419. B. Baer's (Karl E. von) autobiography of Blunt's (Rev. J. H.) Annotated Prayer- - Bright's (Mr.) proposal on the game - his Brougham Castle and Brougham Hall, Burn (Dr.) the historian of Westmor- Burton's (Capt.) account of Mormon- C. Carbolic acid as a disinfectant, 52. Vol. 122.-No. 244. Chaillu's (P. B. Du) journey to Equa- Charles Edward's march through Ken- Charter, five points of the Ritualistic, Chignons, African, the envy of a Euro- Child's (Dr.) 'Benedicite' recommended, Cholera, extent of its ravages in England and elsewhere, 30-it existence no- of the author on his death-bed, 202. in the splendour of ceremonial, 204. 271. Church, Thirty Years in the English, an autobiography, 75. fish from Newfoundland, ib.-aban- Confession as a means of spiritual Copyright (international), the best Cosin (Bishop), ritualistic abuse of his Countess's (Pembroke) Pillar 352. Croxall's (Archdeacon) Fables of Æsop Cumberland, the third Earl of, 365. |