acceptable in every detail, for that obviously would render any negotiations superfluous. "I think there is no harm in stating that I regard the recent proposal of President Wilson as an appreciable approach to the AustroHungarian point of view, and that to some of them Austria-Hungary joyfully could give her approval." Count Czernin leaves the case of Turkey and the questions of Germany's conquests in Europe and of her lost colonies to these countries, but makes it plain that "Austria-Hungary, faithful to her engagements to fight to the end in defense to her allies, will defend the possessions of her war allies as she would her own." But as to Poland, the Austrian Foreign Minister adopts almost the exact language of the American President: "We also are supporters of an independent Polish state, which would include all territories and populations which indisputably are Polish. On this point we believe we should quickly come to an understanding with President Wilson. 66 'Finally, in his idea of a league of peoples the President probably will meet with no opposition in the monarchy. 66 As may be seen, then, from this comparison of my views with those of Mr. Wilson, we agree not only on great principles in general, according to which the world is to be newly regulated after the end of this war, but our views also approach each other on several concrete peace questions. "The remaining differences do not seem to me great enough to lead to the belief that a discussion at this point should not bring clearness and rapprochement. “This situation, which probably arises from the fact that AustriaHungary and the United States of America are the two great Powers among the two groups of enemy states whose interests least conflict, suggests the thought that an exchange of ideas between these two Powers might be the starting point for conciliatory discussions between all states which have not entered into peace conversations. "I trust Mr. Wilson will use the great influence he doubtless has on all his allies that they explain conditions on which they are willing to negotiate, and he will have gained the immeasurable merit of having called a general peace conference to life." The President, therefore, appeared before Congress on February 11th, and gave utterance to the "four principles" which must be accepted as the foundation for peace. 1. This Congress has already been referred to. If the student is not familiar with the spirit of that Congress and with the kind of peace which was made in 1815, he should review these points. 2. Three parties in the German Reichstag, the Socialists, the Centrists or Catholics, and the Radicals, united on July 19, 1917, in adopting the peace resolutions to which President Wilson refers. The text of these resolutions may be found in the Review of Reviews, August, 1917 (p. 115), and elsewhere. 3. Meaning the right of any people to determine for themselves under what rule they shall live a new phrase for the "consent of the governed." 4. This is plainly opening a door for Austria to continue the discussion of peace terms, if she is ready to subscribe to the four principles. 5. How often the President refers to himself as the spokesman of the American people. Do you notice any difference in this respect between the spirit of democracy and the spirit of autocracy? 6. This is a proud boast which few nations can make. Compare the spirit of this paragraph with the utterances of German leaders and other American statesmen. See Introduction. OUR UTMOST SACRIFICE (PAGES 112-117) In the months following the two addresses to Congress in which President Wilson discussed the principles and program for an enduring peace, it transpired that semi-official peace negotiations had been in progress between intermediaries of the French and Austrian governments from August, 1917, to the latter part of February, 1918. These negotiations were broken off soon after the second address of President Wilson — just why, has not yet been made clear, although President Wilson gives one good reason in this address. The anniversary of the declaration of war upon Germany, April 6, 1918, was made the beginning of the Third Liberty Loan campaign. The two previous campaigns, in June and November, 1917, had brought nearly seven billions of dollars into the treasury, but war expenses had mounted even more rapidly. The great purpose of this address is doubtless accentuated by the seriousness of the allied positions in France. On March 21, the Germans inaugurated a drive characterized by the war correspondent, George Perris, as “in design and execution the most powerful operation in the history of warfare." By this drive the Germans recap tured the territory which had been lost in their retreat of the previous year, and approached almost to Amiens. The attack had almost succeeded in crushing one British army and separating the French from the British. It was the nearest approach to a decisive victory for German arms on the Western front since the retreat from the Marne in September, 1914. 1. The occasion of this address was the opening of the Third Liberty Loan campaign, which had been set for April 6, the anniversary of the declaration of war. 2. The discussion concerning peace aims, in the course of which President Wilson had made public his program of peace (see "The Program of Peace" and "The Four Principles of Peace" above), were brought to an end by the ungenerous peace terms imposed on Russia. The negotiations at Brest-Litovsk between the diplomatists of the Central Powers and Lenine and Trotzky, leaders of the Bolshevik government in Russia, dragged on. When the Central Powers presented an ultimatum to Russia, Lenine and Trotzky broke off negotiations and demobilized the Russian Army. This appeal to the weapon of passive resistance availed nothing, and Russia was compelled to accept all of the demands of her enemies without obtaining a single concession. By the peace at Brest-Litovsk and special agreements with Ukrania, Finland, and Rumania, the Central Powers obtained a free hand in remaking the map of Eastern Europe. Poland, Lithuania, and the Baltic States of Courland, Livonia, and Esthonia were promised some form of independence or autocracy, which turned out to mean that they would receive German Princes as rulers and be brought into the economic system of Central Europe by one-sided commercial treaties. Ukrania was required by treaty to sell surplus crops to the Central Powers, and German agents enforced the decree pitilessly. The resources of Rumania were thrown open to the exploitation of the Central Powers. 3. The student should study the map to see how German control of Ukrania and the Caucasus was making the German_dream of reaching India and the Far East seem within the limits of possible realization. 4. The feeling of President Wilson toward the German Rulers, like that of the whole American people, has deepened with the revelations of treachery and cruelty which have been borne in upon him, and yet the President cannot judge harshly or unrighteously. Is his temper characteristic of Americans as a whole? 5. (See note 2 above.) 6. "Whether right as America conceives it, or dominion as Germany conceives it shall control the destinies of mankind," expresses as concisely as possible the real vital issue in the war. As President Wilson concludes, on such an issue only one answer is possible, "Force, force to the utmost, force without stint or limit, the righteous and triumphant force which shall make right the law of the world and cast every selfish dominion down in the dust." NO COMPROMISE (PAGES 118-122) The three months intervening between April 6 and July 4 had been trying months for the Allies. The success of the German drive in March had been practically duplicated in a second great drive beginning April 9, which won the Germans all the hilly ground south of Ypres. A third drive, beginning May 27, had driven a deep wedge between Rheims and Soissons, and brought the German lines nearer to Paris than at any time since September, 1914. The fourth drive, beginning June 9, was aimed directly at Paris, but achieved little. The danger to the Allied cause involved in these German successes led to a speeding up of the American program. A short letter from the Secretary of War to the President of the United States makes clear the extent of American accomplishment during these trying days. The letter follows: MY DEAR MR. PRESIDENT: War Department, Washington, July 1, 1918. More than 1,000,000 American soldiers have sailed from the ports in this country to participate in the war in France. In reporting this fact to you, I feel that you will be interested in a few data showing the progress of our overseas military effort. The first ship carrying military personnel sailed May 8, 1917, having on board Base Hospital No. 4, and members of the Reserve Nurses' Corps. General Pershing and his staff sailed on May 20, 1917. The embarkations in the months from May, 1917, to and including June, 1918, were as follows: 1917 - May, 1718; June, 12,261; July, 12,988; August, 18,323; September, 32,523; October, 38,259; November, 23,016; December, 48,840. 1918 — January, 46,776; February, 48,027; March, 83,811; April, 117,212; May, 244,345; June, 276,372; marines, 14,644; aggregating 1,019,115. The total number of troops returned from abroad, loss at sea, and casualties, is 8165, and of these, by reason of the superbly efficient protection which the navy has given our transport system, only 291 have been lost at sea. The supplies and equipment in France for all troops sent are, by our latest report, adequate, and the output of our war industries in this country is showing marked improvement in practically all lines of necessary equipment and supply. Respectfully yours, Newton D. Baker It will be observed that of the 1,000,000 American troops reported to be overseas on July 1, nearly two thirds were sent across after the success of the first German drive. Worthy of inclusion here, also, is the following extract from an address delivered by President Wilson in New York City, on May 18, 1918, in opening the campaign for the second $100,000,000 Red Cross Fund: EXTRACT FROM ADDRESS IN NEW YORK CITY, MAY 18, 1918, IN There are two duties with which we are face to face. The first duty is to win the war, and the second duty, that goes hand in hand with it, is to win it greatly and worthily, showing the real quality of our power not only, but the real quality of our purpose and of ourselves. Of course, the first duty, the duty that we must keep in the foreground of our thought until it is accomplished, is to win the war. I have heard gentlemen recently say that we must get 5,000,000 men ready. Why limit it to 5,000,000? I have asked the Congress of the United States to name no limit, because the Congress intends I am sure, as we all intend, that every ship that can carry men or supplies shall go laden upon every voyage with every man and every supply she can carry. And we are not to be diverted from the grim purpose of winning the war by any insincere approaches upon the subject of peace. I can say with a clear conscience that I have tested those intimations, |