commercial crisis occurs, many industrial establishments begin to economize, either by reducing wages, or by running on half time, or by resorting to some other method like that of doubleheaders, which, while maintaining the rate of wages, reduces the operating expenses by reducing the number of men employed. In all these cases the wage-receivers as a class suffer; the total amount paid in wages is reduced; the natural consequence is resistance, which leads to strikes and lockouts and, in acute cases, to violence.

Independently, however, of the commercial crisis there is a certain cycle in the development of the labor movement. When conditions are fairly prosperous the wage-receivers are apt to organize and to join in unions under energetic and skillful leaders. If anything occurs to produce numerous strikes, a period of quiescence almost inevitably follows, whether the strikes are successful or not. It was found that during the years 1881-1886 the successful strikers required on an average seventy-six days of work to make up for their loss of time when they were idle. In the case of the partial success of the strike it was shown that three hundred and sixty-one days, or more than a whole working year, would have been required. Strikes differ from war in that there is no indemnity, and as a rule no loss of life. Even if the strike is successful, therefore, the wage-receivers require a long period, on an average perhaps three months, to regain the economic position that they had before. In the case of the unsuccessful strikes, which during the period considered constituted about half of the total number, there is nothing to offset the loss, and the leaders are apt to be discredited. After a time the men regain their courage, they accumulate more money, new leaders come to the front, and they are ready for another period of effort.

But the complexion which a labor crisis assumes must always depend upon the general tendency of wages. If the general tendency is upward, then the chances are that strikes will mainly take the form of a demand for increased wages and that such strikes will be on the whole the most sure of success. If the general tendency is downward, we may expect to find the strikes organized to resist a lowering of wages and to meet with

failure. The cycle of labor agitation is partly dependent upon the cycle of commercial crises, but not absolutely. According to various economic, social, or political conditions it may result in bringing the labor crisis nearer to or further from the commercial crisis.

Yale University.

HENRY W. Farnam.

ANCIENT AND MODERN HINDU GILDS.

II.

FINES, REVENUES, EXPENDITURES.

Fines are imposed for non-observance of the rules of the gild. This is found to apply chiefly to the matter of holidays. Every caste and gild has its stated holidays and any member that keeps open shop or works on such a day is liable to a fine, unless he has bought the privilege. A prime source of revenue in the case of most gilds is the proceeds of the auction sale of this privilege. The fine is heavy for violation of this right on the part of others, and if the offence is repeated the delinquent is sometimes expelled rather summarily. This custom of auctioning off the right of not keeping a holiday is one more common in the smaller towns.

Large gilds get revenue also from purchases of the members, on which a tax is levied. One quarter of one per cent. is the annual impost, but when paid in kind, as is often done, an approximate amount, reckoned roughly according to this ratio, is taken by the gild. Thus from every cart bringing in a load of grain a few handfuls are taken out and cast in a heap at the city-gate. There is no precision; often the cart does not stop at all; the toll-man puts in his hand and takes out a little, not enough to make any appreciable difference in the load, but it adds to the slowly accumulating heap at the gate. The law is strict, but its observance is kept more in the spirit than in the letter of the per cent. It must be remembered that it is all for charity (the funds of the gild are devoted to this object solely), and the exact amount is of small importance. I fancy, however, that the very precise rules in regard to king's toll in the old law-books were probably interpreted much in the same loose way.

When the article taxed is not payable in kind, the tax assumes a more formidable appearance. In Bhaunagar there is such a tax (about ten cents on every bale of cotton) levied by the

manufacturers' gild. So in Broach the Mahájan's chief revenue is said to be from a similar tax on every bale. This is sometimes as high as a quarter of a dollar. All bills of exchange negotiated by a banker are taxed in the same way, the tax in this case being about ten cents.

None of the gilds is a provident institution. Regular banks have done away with their old function of trust companies, and they usually spend their moneys at once, in the case of small gilds on dinner-parties, in the case of Mahájans on Pinjra-pols (asylums for animals) and temples. But if there is anything on hand, the moneys are credited to the corporation at the local bank. The large gilds sometimes possess considerable real estate, which has come to them in the shape of gifts, and they are often the beneficiaries of rich members, who give to them in the knowledge that they will expend principal or interest (as desired) for charities. Where there is a loose organization, as in Jeypore, without fees or assessments, money for charity is collected by subscription. In Surát, on the other hand, where the organization is perfect, fees and taxes come in so regularly that the members seldom give directly for any charity.1

I was told that on an average over fifty per cent. of the whole income of a gild went regularly to charity. The old rule was that the local Pinjra-pol of Ahmedabád, for instance, should receive one quarter of one per cent. on all goods purchased by any member of the gild. This rule is not now so strictly observed, but some gilds, as for example, the gold-thread gild, still holds to this rule. Other gilds spread their charity over more general ground, giving part to one object, part to another. In some cases, again, there is no such tax at all. It is a matter which is decided by each gild for itself annually. Thus the chief confectioner said that in his business a tax was levied on all purchases of sugar and condensed milk, but the amount of the tax and the disposition of the moneys when collected were matters settled by the gild once a year. He asserted too that for the last year the rate had been eight annas on one hundred rupees, but this would be half of one per cent., 1 Compare also the Bombay Gazetteer, vol. ii. pp. 321, 442.

and some of the other members of the conference looked so astonished at the statement that I came to the conclusion he was exaggerating to give a good opinion of the charitable work of his gild. In the case of the cloth-merchants I was told that one quarter of one per cent. was a fixed amount (not settled annually) deducted for charitable and religious purposes, and that the rest of the money on hand was spent for the gild "at the discretion of the council." The funds are sometimes spent for semi-religious purposes, such as are urged as worthy charities in the ancient texts,-tanks, shade-trees, fountains, rest-houses, etc. Thus at Junagadh the goldsmiths' gild has built a dharmashála, that is a house where pilgrims can be put up over night. There is a fine dharmashála at Jeypore, built in the same way. In small places in Gujarát all spare funds are usually given to Pinjra-pols by the Shrávak gilds and to temples by the Vishnuite gilds. I was curious to know what happened with the funds of a mixed gild, and was told that "the amount for each sect is decided upon amicably by the council." When nothing special is required and the Pinjra-pol and temples are in a flourishing condition, there is always the outlet of a dinner-party, so that funds never accumulate. The artizan gilds do not appear to give much in charity, preferring to spend their small income on an annual gild-picnic. I was told that in Surát the difference is most marked. Here all the Mahájans spend their money on charity and all the artizangilds spend their's on picnics. Where, as is often the case in Kathiawar, the caste and gild are identical, these picnics are merely family reunions. Besides the food, new pots and kettles and dishes are bought for each picnic. It is seldom, however, that artizan gilds have any money to spend.1

1 Mr. Proctor-Sims, in the Bombay Gazetteer, vol. viii. p. 265, mentions as objects of charity, feeding the poor, Pinjra-pols, dharmashálas, cattle-troughs, and water-sheds or parabs. He says that artizan-gilds usually spend all they get for dinners and cooking utensils. This I found to be true everywhere in Gujarát, but not elsewhere. Curiously enough "feeding the poor" is very rarely claimed as an exercise of gild-charity. Many of the Sheths at the conference said that they never gave gild-money to the poor for food or for anything else, save as the poor benefited by the erection of fountains, etc.