form, available for making comparisons between one year and another.

Even in the lines which could not be thus delegated to other bureaus, there is need of a similar continuity of enquiry. There are many lines where annual statistics are of great use, but where statistics collected, as we now have them, once in ten years, are of no use at all. The spasmodic character of the work makes critical accuracy unattainable; and if, as often happens, the census year is for some reason not a representative one, the census figures are positively misleading.

But, it may be asked, if we thus take away a large part of the work which has traditionally been incorporated in the census, what will be left? Very little; and that will be a great gain. Not only will it save the government a great amount of expense, which has been one of the means of debasing our civil service, but it will save the country a great amount of nonsense, which has been one of the means of misleading our amateur economists. Take as an example the statistics of manufactures, and especially those of manufacturing capital. They have been made the basis of countless arguments-for free trade or for protection, for industrialism or for socialism, for optimism or for pessimism. Yet, as General Walker himself said, there is a possible margin of error in some of these census statistics of 300 per cent.

If the decennial census were confined to its original purpose as an enumeration of the inhabitants of the various States and territories, we should doubtless lose much valuable matter; yet, independently of the saving of expense, there are many reasons for thinking that we should gain more than we should lose. In other words, there is some ground for the contention that the harm from the bad statistics outweighed the benefit from the good statistics. A policy which should restrict the scope of the operations of the next census within far narrower channels than those of 1890 and 1880, would probably secure the support of a large majority of critical statisticians and economists.

THE SOCIALISTIC MUNICIPALITIES OF

WE

NORTHERN FRANCE.

E have long been accustomed to regard France as the most homogeneous of modern nations. The strong, despotic monarchy of the pre-revolutionary period levelled all classes before it, and thus welded the nation to a compactness and unity which was in marked contrast with the condition of other Continental countries. The economic changes of the present century have, however, produced a re-differentiation of national types resting upon differences in environment and industrial opportunity. The racial and temperamental peculiarities of different parts of the country have been made so prominent that the contrast between the industrial and urban population of the northern departments and the agricultural population of Touraine is greater to-day than it was fifty years ago. The conditions of life in the beautiful valley of the Loire differ radically from those which prevail in the monotonous and unattractive manufacturing towns of the North. This difference is more than one of pursuits. Lille, Roubaix and the other manufacturing towns of the Département du Nord contain a population essentially different in thought and feeling from that of the valley of the Loire.

It is not surprising that there has been a development of political opinion corresponding to these sectional differences. The discontent and restlessness characteristic of an industrial population finds expression in political radicalism, shading by insensible gradations into socialism and making the northern Departments the stronghold of social democracy. The growth of socialistic power typifies all the peculiarities of party opinion in France. Unlike the English or Americans, the French seem incapable of developing a great, compact political party; for no sooner is a new party formed than it splits into a number of factions representing minor differences of opinion. Socialism as a factor in French national politics has never advanced beyond the organization of small political groups. Although a great number of socialistic congresses have been held, they have

all failed to effect any lasting agreement between the conflicting factions. A few of the more far-seeing leaders, recognizing the difficulties in the way of agreement upon national affairs, determined to attempt a union on the basis of municipal socialism. A program restricted to purely local questions would avoid, it was believed, most of the irreconcilable differences of party opinion. This plan received much encouragement from the experience of Lille, where the socialistic party was gradually gaining in unity and strength. It was not until 1892, however, at a party convention held at Lyons, that a general program of municipal socialism was adopted. Its effect was immediately apparent throughout the country, particularly in those cities in which the lack of a common declaration of principles was the only obstacle to socialistic supremacy. In Roubaix, the number of socialistic members of the municipal council had been steadily increasing since 1884. At the election of 1892, a council composed exclusively of socialists was returned. Four years later Lille followed the example of Roubaix, electing twenty-six socialists out of a total of thirty-six members of the town council. Soon after, the socialists obtained large majorities in Calais, Croix and Hellemmes; thus bringing five towns under the control of the party.

The immediate cause of this rapid growth of socialistic opinion was the discontent consequent upon a number of years of industrial depression. The great coal strikes of 1890, the depressing effects of the McKinley tariff upon French industries, together with the high price of grain, all contributed to bring about the ready acceptance of any political creed that promised immediate relief. As in the case of German Social Democracy, discontented elements flocked about the socialistic standard. One would go far astray, however, to judge of the number of socialist converts by the vote of the party; the large majorities of 1892 and 1896 were in the nature of a protest against existing conditions rather than an acceptance of the tenets of socialism.

Notwithstanding the overwhelming majority of the socialist party in the town councils of these municipalities, the period of their supremacy records but few socialistic experiments. It

illustrates the doctrine of socialists when in power rather than the practical application of socialistic principles to the problems of city government. This is clearly shown by a comparison of program of the party with its activity. The principles of municipal socialism as formulated by the Lyons convention were as follows:

First-All school children to be provided with luncheon at the lowest possible price by the municipality. Pupils to receive clothes and shoes twice a year free of charge.

Second-All contracts entered into by the municipality to contain a clause prescribing an eight-hour working-day and a minimum salary, the latter to be determined by the municipal council after consultation with the trades unions.

Third-The creation of a Bourse de Travail, to be managed by the trades unions.

Fourth-Abolition of the "octroi" on all food products.

Fifth-A progressive tax on rents. Low rents to be exempt from taxation. Improvement of unsanitary dwellings by the public authority at the expense of the proprietor. Improved and unimproved real estate to be assessed at market value.

Sixth-Establishment of municipal maternity hospitals, asylums for the aged and infirm, and public lodging houses. Workingmen in search of employment, but without fixed domicile, to be fed at the public expense.

Seventh-Free medical service. Medicines to be provided at cost by a public pharmacy.

Eighth-Free municipal bath- and wash-houses.

Ninth—Establishment of municipal sanitariums for the children of workingmen. The public treasury to provide for the placing of children in health resorts.

Tenth-Free legal advice to workingmen by a specially designated officer of the municipality.

Eleventh-All municipal officials to receive salaries equal, at least, to the highest artisan rate, thus enabling workingmen to accept public office without great personal sacrifice.

Twelfth-Creation of Boards of Arbitration and Conciliation. Thirteenth-Publication of an official municipal bulletin containing announcements of all decisions of the Council.

The insignificance of many of the changes advocated, and the extreme expression of class spirit in others, are alone sufficient to condemn the program when viewed from the standpoint of social welfare. A dwarfed view of the rôle of the municipality pervades every article. Workingmen are to be made the objects of public charity, the expense to be borne by the well-to-do classes. But the sins of commission are hardly more flagrant than those of omission. No mention is

made of the relation of the municipality to quasi-public works, to questions of higher education, public amusements, art, music,-in short all the really important problems that confront the modern municipality.

Compared with this platform, weak as it is, the results accomplished by the socialists seem even more paltry. Either they have neglected to deal with the more important articles of the program or have lacked the necessary authority to do so. This is particularly evident in Roubaix, where the socialists have had complete control of the council for over six years.

One of the first questions to which the socialistic council of that city addressed itself was the readjustment of the "octroi," a tax in the nature of an excise upon food products, household articles, etc., levied at the city gates. It is one of the most important sources of revenue, particularly in the larger cities. Considerable freedom is allowed the municipal authorities in the adjustment of rates, which makes it possible to discriminate against one class of goods in favor of another. The socialists, ever ready to shift the burden of taxation from the workingman to the wealthy, undertook a thorough and systematic revision of the octroi rates. The revision of the schedules was complicated, however, by the fact that the city's finances would not permit a diminution of revenue. Nevertheless the tax on most of the articles in general use was reduced while the rates upon luxuries were increased. The financial results far surpassed the expectations of the Council; the revenue from the octroi showing an increase of $30,000 during the first year of the new rates. None but the prejudiced political opponents of the socialists will deny the success of the efforts of the Council in dealing with this vexed question of local taxation.