The further attempts to enforce the socialistic program have given rise to far greater differences of opinion. The most striking, nay pathetic, feature of the policy of Roubaix and Lille has been the pettiness of the problems in which the principles of municipal socialism have been exhausting themselves. For this the Council is but partially to blame. Under the tutelage of the central government, it has played the part of an unruly child, willing to venture upon forbidden ground and determined to make political capital out of the few possibilities within its reach.

Soon after the readjustment of the "octroi," the Council took up the question of the cantines scolaires. The foreigner finds it difficult to understand the importance of this question in French local politics. If he happens to arrive in one of the towns of northern France just before an election, he will hear the blessings of the cantines scolaires dwelt upon at great length. If unacquainted with the meaning of the term, he will probably conclude that the municipalization of street railways or some question of equal importance is at issue. When he learns that all this praise is being lavished on the policy of the Council in serving warm luncheon to school children, his belief in the power of the socialists to reorganize municipal life receives its first shock. Further examination will show that this is one of the few instances in which the municipality is given freedom of action. It is not surprising, therefore, that the local authorities should avail themselves of the opportunity and make the most out of a relatively unimportant matter. With as little delay as possible, the Council of Roubaix established a system of warm luncheons. The children of well-to-do parents are expected to pay from three to four cents per meal; whereas those of the poorer classes receive everything free. The system has undoubtedly done much towards improving the health of the children, and indirectly increasing the efficiency of their work.

Encouraged by the success of the cantines scolaires, the Council of Roubaix extended the system so as to include the free distribution of clothes and shoes. During the winter of 1895, 700 caps, 800 trousers, 2,400 undershirts, 4,600 pairs of

stockings, 4,600 pairs of shoes, 2,800 shirts and 2,000 aprons were thus disposed of. Everyone acquainted with the danger of indiscriminate almsgiving will seriously question the wisdom of such a plan. The public care of children is, however, one of the principles to which the French socialists attach great importance, and which they are anxious to place in operation at the earliest opportunity. One of the first acts of the socialistic Council of Lille was to organize a system similar to that of Roubaix.

Another of the principles of the party platform which the Councils of Roubaix and Lille have been able to carry into effect has been the organization of a system of free legal advice to workingmen. A lawyer elected by the Council is assigned to this duty. While there is no evidence that the system has encouraged unnecessary litigation, there is constant danger that it will have this effect. It seems likely that the plan will be extended to enable combinations of workingmen to maintain a legal struggle at the expense of the municipality.

The extension of the system of municipal sanitariums is a question to which the Councils of both cities have given considerable attention. To supplement the work of the public hospitals, they have entered into arrangements with public and private sanitariums in coast and mountain health resorts, thus giving sick and invalid children the benefit of change of air.

The establishment of public nurseries has also proved of great value. Where women are as extensively employed in factories as is the case in all manufacturing centers, the public nursery assures better care and far more healthful surroundings during the hours of work, than would be possible in the home. The crêches of Roubaix are model institutions, and will certainly do much to diminish the appalling infant mortality now prevailing.

To complete the picture of socialistic activity, it is necessary to add to this list of actual changes in local policy, the cases in which the efforts of the town council have been blocked by the determined opposition of the central government.

At one of the first meetings of the Council of Roubaix, after the first socialist victory, an effort was made to obtain for the municipality the power to fix a minimum wage in all employ

ments.

As it was clear that no such power could be exercised under the provisions of the existing municipal code, the proposition took the form of a request to the central government for additional powers. As was to be expected, the request was ignored. The Council then proceeded to pass a resolution that the working day be reduced to eight hours in all services under the direct control of the municipality, and that a similar provision be inserted in contracts for public improvements. To prevent a reduction of wages corresponding to the reduction in hours, it was further provided that the minimum wage be inserted in every contract; the rate to be determined after consultation and agreement with the trades unions. This resolution of the Council was annulled by the Prefect, acting in accordance with the decision of the Prefectoral Council, on the ground that it violated the principle of industrial freedom and that the municipality was without authority to introduce into its contracts conditions as to wages and hours.

During this conflict, Roubaix was considering the advisability of establishing a municipal pharmacy. It was decided to begin on a small scale, twenty-five thousand francs being voted for the purpose. This ordinance was also annulled by the Prefect, on the ground that the Municipal Corporations Act of 1884 did not authorize the creation of such an institution, and that the municipality could not increase its powers beyond those specifically granted. The next move was to provide for the establishment of a municipal bakery, to furnish bread to the Bureau of Charities, and to the various charitable and correctional institutions. The ultimate end in view was to supply bread to the inhabitants at the lowest possible price. In 1893 the ordinance was passed, but was met with the declaration of the Prefect, that no authority for such action was vested in the municipality. In 1895 and 1897, further attempts were made in the same direction, but met with no better success.

In the administration of public charity, the socialists have also endeavored to apply the principles of the party, which declare public support to be the imprescriptable right of every citizen. The Council had long objected to the distribution of bread through the poor law authorities,-the Bureau de Bien

faisance,―on the ground that it involved the odium of a public designation of the recipients of alms. A plan to place the distribution of bread in the hands of the coöperative stores of Roubaix was proposed. Unfortunately for the Council, the administration of the service is not under its exclusive control: it elects but three of the seven members of the Board of Public Charities, the remaining four being appointed by the Prefect, and are therefore acting as agents of the central government. As such, they promptly refused to adopt the Council's plan.

In much the same way the attempt to secularize the public charities was frustrated. Antagonism to everything that savors of clericalism led the Council of Roubaix to demand the immediate dismissal from the city hospitals of all nurses belonging to the Catholic orders. But the votes of the representatives of the central government in the Board of Charities again prevailed, resulting in the maintenance of the existing system.

From this review of the activities of these municipalitiesof which Calais, Croix and Hellemmes furnish duplicates on a smaller scale-it is evident that but little light is thrown upon the practical possibilities of socialism. The lessons they have to teach lie in another direction. As instances of the position occupied by the municipality in a country in which centralization has been carried to its logical consequences, they offer one of the most interesting studies in the development of local as related to national political ideas.

This

With the development of the modern centralized state, the municipality has come to be regarded, primarily, as the agent of the state in the administration of civil government.1 view has been strengthened by recent industrial changes. Thus the street railway system, which has heretofore been regarded as a service of purely local importance, is gradually outgrowing these limitations. The introduction of electricity as a motive power, with the attendant growth of inter-urban lines, is taking from the municipalities the control of this service. The same is true of the water, gas and drainage systems.

1 See Goodnow, Comparative Administrative Law"; Dillon, "Law of Municipal Corporations," Vol. I.

The establishment of state boards of control, the creation of water, drainage and park districts, indicate the increasing interdependence of the territorial divisions of the state. The growth of national feeling has destroyed the concept of the city as an independent political unit; economic changes are gradually substituting larger territorial districts for the municipality as the unit of utilization.

The mere statement of these conditions is sufficient to justify state control over local subdivisions. The lessons of long experience have made this one of the political axioms of modern nations; in fact, so strongly has the principle been emphasized that the administrative organization of most of the countries of Continental Europe requires modification in exactly the opposite direction. In France, the demand for "decentralization" has been repeated with increasing force since the downfall of Napoleon. With the possible exception of the strongly reactionary group of the early 50's, every political party has pledged itself to give to local institutions greater freedom and power.

But the efforts to overcome the traditions and ideas inherited from the period of absolute monarchy have hardly accomplished the end intended. Since the reign of Louis XIV, the French have been schooled to the subserviency of the local units to the central government. The power of a despotic, centralized authority, whether elective or hereditary, depends largely upon the character of its control over its territorial subdivisions, whereas the development of a distinctive local life, of ideals and feelings fostered through local ties, is inherently antagonistic to the maintenance of strong, centralized control. The French monarchy established its strength upon the subserviency of the provinces and communes; the Revolutionary government, dominated by the missionary spirit, endeavored to force its principles upon the recalcitrant local authorities. Napoleon simply continued the policy to which he fell heir, developing it in certain directions in order to strengthen his hold on the country. The various republican and monarchical governments that have succeeded one another during the present century, have conformed to these political habits and