Driginal. HUDSON, (New-York) TUESDAY, JANUARY 17, 1804. What things are neceffary to fecure a good agency? Wisdom, goodness and power in the Agent wifdom to devife, goodness to choose, and power to apply, the means of public happiness. How may a State avail itfelf of the attributes of wisdom and goodness? By felecting wife and good men to man. age its concerns. Does not this prefuppofe intelligence and goodness in thofe, whofe duty it is to elect or appoint to office? It does; and when it is otherwife, the It is the agency of the State as a body-State is rotten at the core. politic unde: a fingle dire&tion. What is meant by agency under a fingie direction? What is the power of the State ? It is that force, with which it can act against those who oppose its will; and can It is meant, that agency which is gov-acquire the means of its own perfection. erned by the will of the body-politic, as the agency of an individual is governed by his will. What is the will of the State as a bodypolitic? It is the determination of a majority, expreffed according to the forms of the conftitution. What is meant by conflitution? By conftitution are meant thofe foundation principles, whether written or unwritten, which characterize the State, as diftinguifhed from others, and which are the basis of its acts and proceedings. What is meant by the forms of the conflitution? By the forms of the conflitution is meant that organization or arrangement. In what does this power confift? It confifts, chiefly, in the number and union of its citizens or fubje&ts. What is the bond of this union? It is the public will, or the laws. What is requifite to give energy to the laws? It is requifite that they be just and equal, and that they be promptly execu ted ? What is meant by juft and equal laws? Such laws as conduce to the public good, prefcribe a common rule to all the citizens, and are enforced by proper penalties. What are proper penalties ? and which b Can this pr It cannot ; riation, as cin lic fafety muf difcretion exe to time, the fo You obferv promptly exec pleafe? The reafon fame as for en a penalty exe fame, in effect which, indeed. fetting up the gain the publ State; and, as government it Has not a f laws prohibiti felves either to penalty? He has not others; his wi will in all cal alty is not vol will not conftit prevent the eff Is the citize obey the law, He is; the ernment is a d er is of God; and equal are, Muft you not judge whether a law be agreeable or repugnant to the law of God and act accordingly. I muft; but I muft judge at my peril, I must be answerable for all mistakes, and I must be content to abide the confequences; the State will prefer its own judgment to mine. Is not fubjection to law repugnant to freedom? It repugnant to licentioufnefs, but to freedom; nay, it is the parent of that freedom which creatures, however exalted, can enjoy. For where all are bound to do no injury to others, all are fecure in the enjoyment of their own. (TO BE CONTINUED.) FOR THE BALAnce. ON THE SUBJECT OF THE LAWS. MR. CROSWELL, WE No. I. E boaft much of being citi zens of a free Republic; and glory in the idea that our laws are made by ourselves. That the idea is a fource of pride to millions, the writer is happy in believing.. We poffefs the power to lay which of our fellow-citizens fhall be entrusted with the framing of laws for our government. But our conftitution wifely provides, that the number fo defignated, fhall not exceed a certain ratio of the whole number of our citizens. He..ce it is obvious, that the number of our Legiflators must be comparatively fmall; and, from a view of the means of obtaining information on the fubject of the laws, that fo general a knowledge thereof, as feems to be highly neceffary to the peace and happinefs of fociety, is here impracticable at prefent. In the year of Rome about three hundred, the laws of that Republic were read before general affemblies of the people, on the firft day of every month. Let us briefly confider whether fuch a measure would be falutary here. rity and in a manner the most truft worthy. And whereas his fucceffor, in November term laft, in the District Court of the U. nited States, confeffed judgment for ONE HUNDRED THOUSAND DOLLARS, for public monies which come to his hands by virtue of his office, and have been-applied to his own private use: Now THEREFORE, we have thought proper to propofe the two following queries:First. Has not Mr. Livington been fuf It thole delegates were more generally to publifh an addrefs to their conflituents on their return from Congrefs, enumerating the moft material alterations, &c. dur-fered to leave this flate without having in ing the last feffion-the difficulty would any manner fecured the payment of the faid. be in part removed. fum or any part thereof ? The writer could enumerate several inftances of unintentional offences: The offenders were ignorant of the laws. This fubject, with the examination of our laws, will be continued, as leifure affords opportunity. SOCRATES. Selected. "IS HE HONEST?" [It will be recollected that we some time since re. peatedly called on the little democratic band-or gans of this state, for information concerning EDWARD LIVINGSTON, ESQUIRE. We called in vain. Not a syllable would a democratic editor say, respecting that great ornament of the party; and the public might have remained totally ignorant of some very interesting facts, had not Mr. Coleman brought them to light. The following publication from the Evening Post, ac counts for the silence of Mr. Livingston's pelit Edit. Bal.] ical friends. FROM THE EVENING POST. Short queries to make long faces. WHEREAS Thomas Jefferfon, foon after he came to the Prefidency, publifhed his tenets as to removals from office, and proceeded to carry them into practice; And Whereas, in purfuance thereof, he difplaced Richard Harrifon, Efq. U. S. attorney for this difirit, and appointed Edward Livingston, Eiq. in his flead: And Whereas, in this arrangement we must, in charity to the faid Thomas Jeffer fon fuppofe that "time was taken, information fought and obtained," to the fame amount as in the cafe of Samuel Bishop at NewHaven And Whereas we are to prefume that in this cafe, as in that, he proceeded "in the operation [a technical word by the way well fuited to his amputating procefs] with deliberation and enquiry, that it might effect the purposes of juftice and public uBut few of the people of fuch a diftility:" And Whereas, during the fourtrict will be informed immediately of fuch alterations in the laws. The American Our Republic is fpread over a vaft extent of thinly populated country. Certain diftricts, in fome inflances it is believed, comprehending an extent of territory equal to 50 fqua.e miles, fend a member to Congrefs once every year, for the purpose of making laws. In the turn of almost every feflion, fome old laws are al. tered, fome abolithed and many created Secondly. If this large fum fhould be loft to the community, on whom ought the lofs in equity and good confcience to fall; on the public at large, comprehending the tederalifts, who reprobated the conduct of the Executive in the removing of a truft worthy officer, and who bore their teftimony against the appointment of his fucceffor, or ought it to fall on Mr. Jefferfon himfelf and those who advised this measure? Let it be underflood that this is not a wanton attempt to injure the feelings of Mr. Livingston, or of any of his friends. But furely, after the malicious charges of mal-conduct, as to public monies, which have, at one time or other, been brought against every officer in the federal adminiftration, not merely by the hireling edi tors of the minifterial papers, but by men of high ftanding in the party, not excepting the Prefident himfelf, and after the wicked charges have been circulated with an induftry and prefervance unexampled in the hiftory of calumny, without a title of evidence to fupport them; after all this, I fay, in vain have they to expect that real délinquences will be winked at by us, or even that they will not be fought out, and when detected boldly and plainly publifhed to the world. We, however, fhall never be one of thofe who deal in "ambigu ous whifpers;" which do almoft equal injury whether true or falfe, and which elude detection if unfounded. No: we fpeak in pofitive terms, of this public defaulter. If any one doubts the truth of what we fay, we refer him to the records of the District Court. The Post, of a subsequent date, contains the following supplementary article : A word of consolation for Mr. Jefferson. We were informed half an hour ago, that there is a miflake in the ftatement we gave yellerday of the amount of Mr. Liv. ingfton's default; and that it is not fo much as a hundred thousand dollars, or at least that the amount of what has yet been difcovered is not fo great, but only fomewhere about feventy thousand dol teen years that Richard Hermion, Elq.|| lars, "more or less." How this is we was difrict attorney for the United States, know not; but this we do know, that a people in general are far from being rich. I he conducted himfell with the ftriacit integ he conducted himself with the ftri&cit integ-judgment by confeffion for one hundred anew. thousand dollars ftands upon record against Mr. Livingston in the Clerk's office of the District Court. Left we should have been misinformed in this point, we examined for ourselves, and have seen the docket of the judgment itfelf. Whether indeed this is the amount due from Mr. Liv. ington to the United States, or whether it is to cover whatever fum he may,``upon a fettlement of his accounts, be found to be indebted, or whether it is the penal fum of a bond, the half of which is confequently the actual debt, we cannot pretend to fay. The prefent Diftri&t Attorney may, however, if he thinks proper, fet us right in thefe particulars. Nor can we' think it would be an improper condefcenfion in him to do this without delay, as the public at large are deeply interested in knowing the truth. He will add to the favor too, if, at the fame time, he will inform us what fecurity he obtained from Mr. Living fton before he suffered him to depart. Editor's Closet. NEW-YEAR'S ADDRESSES REVIEWED. The editor proposes to review some of the poetical new-year's addresses, which he may receive the present season. Beginning with his nearest neighbors, he will first notice the Hudson Gazette. This address is apparently a hasty performance ; but is generally correct, and is written with much ease. In the following lines, the writer presents us with an excellent idea of two great European nations. Speaking of the late peace, he says, "Britannia, mistress of the main, "Unbound her laurell'd arms-and France The dignified character of an Englishman, and the volatile nature of a Frenchman, could not have been better described. In the subjoined passage, the writer sketches, with a judicious and animated pencil, a picture of the present state of France : Though from her towns a motley host, Collected, throng her western coast. Though, gun-boats on the channel pour, And point their beaks to Britain's shoreThough, blustering threats are heard afar, And all the empty noise of war; Still see the Corsican aghast ; His reign, he dreads, is almost past. A nation by his arm oppressed, He knows, ere long shall be redressed; Alas! her crimes were worse than vain. The poet seems to have reserved in his quiver, some of his best-pointed shafts of satire, for domestic use. They are discharged, with much liberality, on this side the Atlantic, "Where, dress'd in simplest garb of state, Mr. Jefferson's great Louisiana Land-speculation A lake of guineas, flowing round." After briefly noticing the "younglings," who "exercise their unfledged wit" at Washington, the writer closes in the following firm and dignified manner :- "Go on, ye children of confusion, Spread wide the seeds of revolution; Indulge your taste, for innovation, And call the havoc, reformation. The deeds, your sires have done, survey, And fritter all their works away. Break every paper barrier down, And seat your idol on a throne ! Yet know-there is a chosen band, Who ne'er will bow beneath your hand; Whose souls, yet, feel the generous flame, Which led our sires to endless fame; Who, at their country's call will fly And freely live, or bravely DIE." Next in course comes The Bee, Whose address begins with "At twelve o'clock last Saturday night, "If Andrew Beers has told us right-" And ends with "To thank you kindly for the fee "You give the Carrier of the Bee." The reader must guess at the rest. DEMOCRATIC IDEAS OF JUSTICE. My dronish neighbor appears to exult at the resignatior. of Judge Radcliff. He flatters himself, it is said, that Ambrose Spencer will be appointed to his place; and imagines that the consequences of this change will be serious to me. The democrats must entertain very curious notions of justice and equity, to suppose that our supreme judges are to be governed in their decisions by party-spirit. If such an insinuation does not amount to a contempt, I cannot tell what does. At any rate it may be considered as base, and, 1 trust, groundless.--It reminds me, however, of the following fact : A few days since a democrat of this county, was engaged in a lawsuit with a federalist. While the jury were ont, the democrat was boasting loudly, and offered to lay any bet that the verdict would be in his favor. "It is very doubtful (observed a bystander) 1 think your proof was not very satisfactory."-" Proof" (exclaimed the democrat) what the devil do you think I care for proof? Are not all the jury democrats? and do you think they will give it against me?" Least the reader might suppose this democrat to be some obscure person, it may be proper to mention that he was one of that noted grand-jury who found the indictments against me last winter. Whether he possessed, at that time, the same correct ideas of justice, that he now avows, is best known to himself. Morality" of Connecticut Democrats. It is said that the democrats of Hartford, are in deep mourning, on account of the premature departure of one of their principal leaders, who has committed a forgery on Middletown bank, and taken a French leave, carrying with him, 100,000 dollars "more or less." But the cream of the jest is, that Captain Bee, should mention this fact, to prove that Connecticut has nothing to boast of, in point of morality. Who ever pretended that the democrats of Connecticut had more morality than those of Vir. ginia or France? We do not wish to mention names, but while C. Holt and Joseph Hart are known, we shall entertain no very high opinion of the morality of Connecticut democrats. For the apprehension of Hart, the president of Middletown Bank has offered a reward of 1,000 dollars. He was a reputable merchant of Hartford, and had done business extensively; but (as an old gentleman of his acquaintance observed, on hearing of his late conduct) baa become a great democrat. 66 Agricultural. EXTRACT. TO FARMERS. EXPER XPERIENCE has proved, that fmoking your Seed Corn, thoroughly, before planting, will effectually prevent the worms or any other infect from touching it whilft growing. Care must be tak en that it is not heated in the fmoking, left it fhould deftroy the vegetation. It will therefore be best to hang it where the fmoke may gradually impregnate the kernel during the winter feafon. "Probably the fmoaking of other feeds may have the fame happy effect. Should this be the cafe, it would fave much labor and care in railing Squalhes, Melons, Cucumbers, &c." Monitorial Department. To rid the cause of virtue and religion. EXTRACT From a discourse, delivered before the members of the Portsmouth Female Charity School, October 14, 1803, by the Rev. JOSEP BUCKMINSTER. A good man sheweth favor and lendeth; he will guide bis affairs with discretion.” 66 No duty, perhaps, receives a greater influence from the dictates of wif dom and the guidance of difcretion, than that of giving to the poor. An indifcriminate and indifereet giving, without regard to the object, or the kind of gift, often fruftrates its own design, and increafes, eventually, both the guilt and the fufferings of thofe it is intende i to relieve. Togive frong drink to the intemperate, or that which they may with facility convert into the fulcinating poifon, is but to pour oil upon the flame that has already confumed their health, their frength, and their reputation. To give to the viciously idle and lazy, that which will fupport thein in their vice and indolence, is only to ftrengthen the habits that are the fource of their rain. That apoftolic order offends no law of char- Columbian Eloquence. ON THE PASSAGE OF THE THE CONSTITUTION. popular and carried further from the federative principle. This claim we find was made at the formation of the conftitution. The great ftates naturally wished for a popular choice of first magiftrate: This mode was fan&tioned by the example of many of the ftates in the choice of governor. The fmall ftates claimed a choice on the federative principle, by the legislatures, and to vote by fiates; analogies and examples were not wanting to fan&tion this mode of election. A confideration of the weight and influence of a prefident of this union, muft have multiplied the difficulties of agreeing upon the mode of choice. But, as I have before faid, by mutual conceflion, they agreed upon the prefent mode, combining both principles, and dividing between the two parties, thus mutually jealous, as equally as they could, this important privilege of electing a chief magiftrate. and the right of the fmall ftates, to elect This mode then became eftablished, upon the federative principle, or by ftates, cafe of the contingency of electoral failure of choice, cannot with reafon and fairness be taken from them, without their confent, and on a full underftanding of its operation; fince it was meant to be fecured to them by the conftitution, and was one of the terms upon which they became members of the prefent confederacy; and for which privilege, in facrificing fo much of the federative principle, or ftate equality. The conflitution is nicely balanced, with the federative and popular principles; the Senate are the guardians of the former, and the house of reprefentatives of the latter ; and any attempts to destroy this balance, under whatever fpecious names or pretences they may be prefented, fhould be watched with a jealous eye. Perhaps a fair definition of the conflitu. tional power of amending is, that you may upon experiment fo modify the conflitution in its practice and operation, as MR. TRACY's SPEECH, to give it, upon its own principles, a more complete effe&t. Bat this is an atIN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES, tack upon a fundamental principle estabFriday, December 2, 1803, lifhed after long deliberation, and by muAMENDMENT TO tual conceffion, a principle of effential importance to the inftrument itself, and an attempt to wreft from the fmall flates, a vefted right; and, by it, to increase the power and influence of the large ftates. I thall not pretend, fir, that the partics to this conftitutional compact, cannot alter its original and effential principles; and that fuch alterations may not be effected, under the name of amendment; but, let a propofal of that kind come forward in its own proper and undilguiled fhape; let it be fairly flated to congrefs, to the ftate legiflatures, to the people at large, that the intention is to change an important feder [CONTINUED.] AFTER this view of the conftitution let us enquire what is the direct object of the propofed altcration in the choice of Prefilent ? To render more practicable and certain the choice by electors and for this reafon; that the people at large, or in other fon; that the people at large, or in other words, that the great flares ongly to have more weight and influence in the choice. That it fhould be brought nearer to the The whole power of election, is now vefted in the two parties; numbers and ative feature in the conftitution, which Nothing can be more obvious, than the For this identical purpofe is the principle of electoral difcrimination and defignation, introduced into the refolution before you; for the fame purpofe is the number of candidates reduced from five to three, from whom the houfe of reprefentatives may elect, in cafe of electoral failure of choice; that is, to destroy, or diminish the agency of the fmall ftates, in the choice of Prefident. For what purpofe elfe, are we perpctually told, and from all parts of the Senate, that the public will is oppofed, by the prefent mode, and the public will cannot be gratified, without the introduction of the difcriminating principle? By the public will, thus mentioned, the gentlemen mean, the will of a popular ma. jority, or, the will of the great ftates, which, in this cafe, I repeat it, are the fame. How is it poffible for the gentlemen to increase the chances of gratifying this def cription of the bublic. da portion of the their right? I am not wit dent, that this i vils, and that wark of the fee federacy; the gainst the ftro fmall against the of man, with a government, an liberty in a repu go changes, an there fhall be no and nothing condefcend to Time will no longer on thi But I am dec have now take not show most mation there w great and small of its principles that the partici the election of fecured to the receive a dead) the propofed an It can be no on the fubject, of fiate confid this governmer never, till now olate the fan&tu them of earlier attemp and feen this j fame oppofition The conflict way, than by flates. We h bility to injure favors, but th peace and fater us by themfelv emn conflitutio incorrect. Our conflitution has given the even And is this refolution a precurfor to a complete confolidation of the union, and to the eftablishment of a fimple republic? We have b from Virginia, in us to roufe t prefent, take warning, giver full excercife d queft the frall ftant recolle& not haftily to curity. There are fo which I wish to The conflit was formed by conflicting pa view to the lec lone can teft it tice difcover it |