We lately received a paper from Boston, with the appropriate title of The Democrat edited by a foreigner who assumes the name of ANTHONY PASQUIN. On examining the paper, we thought it too contemptible to deserve animadversion, and were therefore about to pass it in silence, when, taking up the National Aegis, we found that AN

THONY had received a very bandsome dressing from the hand of a brother democrat, in the following form, (to wit.)

ominous to the faction than the Sybil ||
leaves. Let Goody Pickering, gather up
the flood as Lachryma Johanni, to be
depofited by Pitt and Cobbett in the Brit.
ifh Mufeum-and while he is encircled in

his final bed, by an enraged and convulfive
ariftocracy, may Hope whifper comfort to
his wounded fpirit, as Repentance is
covering him with fackcloth and afhes!"
And has it then come to this-that every
Anthony Pafquin, alias John Wil-trolling adventurer, who, in the elegant
hams. It is with fincere and unfeigned language of PASQUIN, has "fcudded from
regret, that we see this foreign renegado a royal tyrant," is to gain credit and cur.
feeking an establishment, and finding en-
rency among us by arraigning without dif
couragement among us. After having crimination, the moment he has put his
run the gauntlet in Europe, after having foot upon our fhores, the motives and con-
run down his reputation and fortune in his duct of thofe whom we have once been ac-
own country, after having run away from customed to refpe& ?
merited chaftifement beyond the Alantic,
he is now attempting to run himself into
confequence, with the adminiftration, by
running down the characters of all who
formerly conducted the affairs of our Na-
tion. In purfuance of this plan, he iflu-
ed at Bofton, on the 4th inftant, the firit
number of a Semi-weekly paper, to
which he has given the title of the " Den-
ocrat,"―This paper we understand, grows

"

We have already enough, in all confcience, of thele imported patriots among us. We want no more Pafquins or Pafquin. ades, to cherish the flame of difcord, or to keep alive the fpirit of refentment.

My much respected friend, who occasionally favors me with his correspondence, will, I hope, pardon the liberty I have taken in publishing the fol.

out of the "Gazetteer," which was be-lowing extracts from one of his late letters. I so sel-
gotton by the Telegraph," During the
period of its last transformation, it was
conducted with decency, and by native
Americans, and we are fincerely forry to
find it has fallen into the hands of a hire-
ling feribbler, who (if we know him
rightly) has neither talents, nor morals, nor

manners.

We have feen, an empty and oftentations gafconade in the fi ft number of his "DEMOCRAT" which he pompously enti tles, a "DECLARATION to the Good People, inhabiting the Eastern States." As a fpecimen of his naufeous and infufferable impudence, we cannot for bear to prefent to our Democratic Brethren, the following extract. After remaking upon the Alien and Sedition Bills (which we arc almost tempted to wish were ftill in force, that he might meet his merited punifhment, or be driven with difgrace from the country) he adds; "Thefe fevere proceedings were followed, by the establishment of a STANDING ARMY, the introduction of the elements of a SINKING FUND! and the palpable delivery of Jonathan Robbins to a British Gibbet ; but in this act of mean barbarity, the talifman of delufion was broken-the nerve of horror vibrated from Maine, to Georgia, and JOHN ADAMS felt that he had figned the death warrant of his own dignity, when it was too late to recede from the malefaction. He is now "Thorn of his beams," in meditation and in trouble, and fhould be permitted to defcend to oblivion in peace; while he heds floods of tears over the pages of Davila; pages more

dom witness any thing like candor or liberality in
my political opponents, that I look upon the writer
of these letters, as a diamond, of sterling value,
found among a mass of glass beads and giwded trink-
1 shall feel extremely thankful for communi-
cations from the same hand, either for publication
or for private use.

ets.

66

"Mr.

THE EXTRACTS.

fure of two or three great men whom I efteem-for (with John Jay and Alexander Hamilton) Thomas Jeffer fon and James Madifon are my particular favorites: I do ander, Prefident Thomas, and Mr. Secnot mean Governor John, General Alexretary James, as I know nothing about the late acts of those public officers; but I mean thofe great men and early patriots whom I have long venerated, and hope long to have caufe to venerate."

"I fhall continue a reader as long as you are permitted to be the editor of a paper; forbid that I fhould furvive the freedom which I trust will be as long as I live-God and reputation of my country!"

"P. S. Don't tell the Captain"I am going to Hudfon, for it would be uncivil to decline farving under a brother democrat, and yet I could not enlift for fome time to come, as I have fo lately re-perufed Mr. Addison's "Cato," that it will require feveral months to chace his abominable hint from my mind :

"When vice prevails, and impious men bear sway, The post of honor is a private station."

CAPTAIN CHEETHAM'S ARITHMETIC.

In an address to the "subscribers to the WatchTower" which has been published by Cheetham two or three months, we observe the following curious blunder :

"800 fubfcribers, owing on an average the editor dollars each, withhold from 4200 dollars" !!!

IMPROVED SPELLING.

4
-is a good republican; but
I do not believe he is enrolled with any
fect"-certain I am, that he is not in
the livery or cabal of any demagogue,
foreign or indigenous. He is an upright,
ufeful citizen: he is not afhamed to ask a
bleffing before every meal, nor is he fo
fashionable as to omit giving thanks after
one. He is chief fcrivner and fole fur.
reyor to his neighbors: and, without his
aid, they would be as much at a loss as
the primitive Egyptains, after an inunda-
tion of the Nile-not knowing where to
fence or fow. Our Goldfmith has hit him
off precifely, in his schoolmaster of " the
Deferted Village ;" and, when placed he already knows of the matter.”
near his circumferentor; I have often ap-
plied to him thefe lines of that Poem :-

A packet of letters lately passed through the postoffice in this towu, for Pogbleepsie--but the person who directed them, it seenis, scorned to follow that old and tedious mode of spelling, and, therefore, more concisely wrote, "PEKIPSY."

"The village all declar'd how much he knew;
'Twas certain he could write, and cypher too :
Lands he could measure, terms and tides presage,
And e'en the story ran-that he could guage.
In arguing, too, the Doctor, own'd his skill,
For e'en when vanquish'd he could ague still-
While words of learned length, and thund'ring
sound,

Amaz'd the gazing rustics rang'd around;
And still they gaz'd, and still the wonder grew,
That one small head could carry all he knew."

If Mitchell will convince us that he ought to have his curiosity satisfied with respect to the late arrangements in the Balance-Office, he shall be attended to otherwise, he must be contented with what

The New York Commercial Advertiser is enlarged to a size superior to any paper we have ever seen. The quality of the paper, the beauty of the type, and the accuracy of the workmanship, we believe, are not excelled. Our readers are well acquainted with the character of the paper. This character is ably supported by the present editor.

COMPLIMENT.

The Utica sixty dollar-democrat, tells Barber and Holt to tremble, because rogues and fools are frequently to be mentioned in the Balance.

pofing it was, what then? Why fays the I
gentleman, the perfon thus appointed
could not have kept his head on his fhoul-
ders 24
hours and this would have made
a civil war. If the majority now should
contemplate a measure, which the confti-
tution does not authorize, as it clearly did
not authorize the measure fufpe&ted by the
gentleman, though he cannot prove it;
the best thing in the world for them to do,
would be to give it up, without any at-
tempt to effect it, as it feems the federal
majority did. But what argument all this
can afford in favor of the amendment, or
why it was mentioned, in this debate, is
beyond my comprehenfion. In the refult
of the last election, the great ftates and the
ruling political party, were certainly grat-
ified, and there does not appear the leaft
reafonable ground of complaint against
the fmall fates, in the ufe of their confti-
tutional rights on the occafion. All fup-
port therefore to the amendment, drawn
from that tranfaction, mut fail.

I have faid, that the article fixing the mode of electing a chief magiflrate was, from its nature, attended with many diffi culties. A more ftrict inquiry into the conftitutional mode, and a comparison of it, in fome other and more particular points, with the propofed alteration, will be ufetul in forming an opinion of their relative merits.

As the conflitution ftands, each elector is to write the names of two perfons on a piece of paper, called a ballot. Ei ther of the two perfons thus voted for may be the Prefident, and the elector cannot know which; this affords the moft powerful inducement to vote for two, both of whom are qualified for the very important office. For it is not only uncertain upon whom the choice will fall at firft, but the one remaining, will certainly be President, upon any contingency which fhall remove or incapacitate the firft. The convention feem to have felected a mode of proceeding the moft fimple, the leaft liable to accident, and the best calculated to enfure the main object, that is, that both fhould be really worthy of the truft. If one can. didate wishes to make intereft with the electors, as each muft vote for two, it will be impoffible for bribery or intrigue to fucceed; for, without corrupting the whole or certainly many more than half. he may be defeated by the other candidate on the ballot. This is, perhaps, the most effectual bar to intrigue, that was ever contrived; for, unlefs all, or a great proportion of the electors are corrupted, an extreme cafe of depravity not probable in any country, intrigue can have no affu, rance of fuccefs. The danger and difficulty, which muft always attend fuch an important election, as that of chief magiftrate of the United States, was meant to

be avoided, by diminishing the chances of
its frequent recurrence. So two perfons
are placed in a condition to act as Prefi-
dent in fucceffion, to prevent both the e-
vils, of a vacancy, and of a recurrence
of choice more frequently than once in
four years. And it seems merely inciden-
tal to this fecond perfon, to be called
Vice-Prefident, and neither the first
nor fecond defcription of electors can
have any right to vote for him as fuch, in-
deed he can have no existence till the first
character is defignated and then feems to
be difcovered, not elected. The Senate,
in cafe of an equal number of votes for
two or more remaining perfons, after the
Prefident is elected, are vefted with au-
thority to choose a Vice-Prefident, for as
fuch he is to prefide over this body, and
this body therefore feems to be the only
conftitutional organ to defignate him. Both
the other defcriptions of electors have
nothing to do with fuch a character or of-
fice; but are confined to act with a fingle

II political moderation. And it is clear to
my mind, that the experience of the laft
election has taught a leffon to all majori-
ties, which will in future completely fe-
cure them from again incurring a fimilar
rifk. I recolle&t well, that it was thought
probably, when the electoral votes were
given, that Mr. Burr would have a vote
or two, in fome of the eastern flates. If
he had received but one, he would have
been by an electoral choice, the conflitu-
tional Prefident. If the majority in future
have the powers of recollection, they will
undoubtedly avoid the evil, if it is one,
which happened at the last election, with
fuch unfailing certainty, that there will be
no need of the remedy propofed by the a-
mendment. But the majority fay, if their
votes are fo fcattered for one candidate as
to avoid this danger, that another will be
incurred; and that is, the minority will
elett a Vice-Prefident. The language of
the conflitution to them, is again,'
"that
this was meant as a fecurity for the minori
ty against the majority." But the major-
ity exclaim against both thefe provifions,
as very unreafonable indeed; "what,"
fay they, "are minorities to govern, ma-

reference to the character and office of
Prefident; and are trufted with no power
to give any opinion of the character or
qualifications of a Vice-Prefident. And
it is remarkable, that there are no appro-jorities ?"--The aniwer of the conftitution
priate qualifications made neceffary by the
conftitution, for a Vice-Prefident; but
every qualification has reference to Prefi-
dent. There is another important feature
in this part of the conftitution. It was
known by the convention, that in this
country, in common
common with all others,
where there is freedom of opinion and of
fpeech, there would be parties. They
likewife knew, that the intolerance of the
major, or ruling feet and political party,
was frequently exercifed upon the minor
party; and that the rights of the minority
ought to be protected to them.

is "no, but their due weight and influ-
ence fhall be fecured to them, and the dan-
ger of your intolerance guarded againft.
For the fecurity of mall ftates and
minorities, there is, in the conftitution a
mixture of the federative with the popular
principles. And as it is well known that,
when popular majorities alone prevail, and
exercife power uncontrolled by conftitu-
tional checks, the minorities, who gener-
ally poffefs their proportion of integrity and
virtue, are overwhelmed, and liberty it-
felf, by the fame means, deflroyed; fo it
is in kindness to both parties, to the coun-
As well then, to fecure the rights of the try and to humanity, that thefe wholesome
minority, as to check the intolerance of
checks are conflitutionally provided. Had
the majority, they placed the majority in the majority, or the great ftates been wil-
jeopardy, if they fhould attempt at grafp-ling, fairly to have fubmitted to the con-
ing all the benefits of a Prefident and Vice-
Prefident within themfelves, to the total
exclufion of the minority. This very cafe
which happened at the laft election was
contemplated, in which the majority at
tempted totally to exclude the minority
from any participation. The language of
the conflitution to fuch majorities is, "take
care that you aim not at too much, for if
you do, it is put into the power of the mi-
nority to check you, and by a judicious
difpofition of their few votes, determine
the choice of Prefident." To avoid this
event the majority will probably be cau-
tions in the exercife of power; and thus
the rights, the proper weight and influence
of a minority are fecured against the con-
duct of the majority, which is certainly li-
able to be intolerant and oppreffive. In
this relpect the fpirit of the conftitution is,

ftitutional checks in the laft election, no evil could have happened. And it is remarkable that the conflitution completely protects them, as long as they obey its precepts, in the creation of which they had an agency and to which they have folemnly agreed. To prove that I am correct in thefe ideas, I not only refer to the conftitution but to the fecretary of flate (Mr. Madifon.) In the Virginia debates, vol. 1. page 96, he fays, "But on a candid examination of hiflory, we fhall find that turbulence, violence and abufe of power, by the majority trampling on the rights of the minority, have produced factions and commotions which, in republics, have more frequently than any other caufe produced defpotifm. If we go over the whole hiftory of ancient and modern republics, we fhall find their deftruction to have gen

r fituation of the Unitat are the fources of timent which pervades fhall find great danger s may terminate here, Ets, which they produccs. This danger ought d against Perhaps, in

s difcuffion it will ap y poffible remedy for eans of preferving and ciples of republicanifm, it very fyftem, which is inft as the parent of op

CONTINUED.]

y task,

ig tidings of the times. >>8@@<<<cce

anuary 24, 1804.

OF JACOBINISM.

been fenfible that de. ever completely triumph ntil it could bend the ju1. We have, therefore, et, every attempt that has e&t this object. The def circuit courts was a pre, which were intended. eI the judiciary in the duft. , the reader will fee how work progreffes :

mention his motives were himfelf-he defired to Judges might commit an being fubject to an enquir ing his duty, without bein fluence of party motives.

ed.

"It being late, the houfe You will perceive tendency of the above ref debate was conducted with f

ed Mr. Randolph replied, that it was
partly in confequence of certain expref-
fions which fell from Mr. Smilie at the
laft feffion of Congrefs, and other reasons
which he did not think proper to divulge.
Mr. Clay, of Pennfylvania, did not think
it neceffary to mention facts, in order to
raife the committee; it was a right the
houfe poffeffed; the independence of the
judiciary, he thought, had been carried too
far, and hoped that no charges would at
prefent be made. Mr. R. Grifwold ob-
ferved, that to him the procedure was new
and unprecedented-heretofore impeach-
ments had been grounded on affidavits or
fome kind of evidence-none had been
advanced by any perfon as coming within
his own knowledge. The Court had only
decided, in the cafe alluded to by Smilie,
on a point of law, and would not permit
counsel to argue a cafe which had been de-
cided. There ought to be good reafons.
given for the step we were about to take,ing Mr. Randolph's motio

as it amounted to an act of cenfure; be-
fides, is it certain the committee will en-
quire into all the facts, or only fuch as
they may think expedient? Mr. Ran-
dolph would not confent to poftpone the
queftion, and likened the houfe to a grand
jury, whole power it poffeffed. Mr.
Dennis laid we were about to inftitute an
inquifitorial committee, for the purpose of
Searching for facts and not to enquire in-
to them. He wished to know, as it was
the act of the court to which Smilie refer-

On the further confide

Randolph's refolution, a m

by Dr. Leib, to amend it, Richard Peters, diftrict jud vania, and carried 72 to 37

The following particular in a letter from Washington in Baltimore, dated 10th J

"I wrote you on Thurfo

mittee to enquire into the o of Judge Chafe. I attende of reprefentatives on Friday laft." "On Saturday after clofed-the difcuffion was

On

the houfe, 80 members vot the refolution as amended, it. Yefterday the commit was appointed, and confifts to wit: Meffrs. J. Randolp Early, J. Clay, Boyle, R. Huger.'

mated. Grifwold, Dana, fin, Huger, Lowndes, Tha liot, opposed to Randolph, 1 other minor democratic Jeff among them Eppes, fon-in-l ident, who accufed Judge C red, (at the trial of Fries) how it happened red, (at the trial of Fries) how it happened Callender. The Judge's b nical and oppreffive condué that the other judges were not alfo impli-trial of Cooper was greatly cated. He faid there was no precedent Atrongly condemned." for eftablishing an inquifitorial committee. Mr. Elliot thought we would establish a very dangerous precedent, which would authorise any member, in the fame way, to enquire into the conduct of the Prefident. He afked Mr. Randolph, who faid the house poffeffed the power of a grandjury, whether he ever heard that a grandjury had appointed an inquifitorial committee to fearch for evidence; and whether a certain degree of evidence was not always before them to juftify an indictment? Mr. Huger hoped that at leaft gentlemen would confent to clear the galleries, and fuffer the charges to be brought forward, that every member might judge for himfelf, and not rely on the report of a committee, when the character of an important officer was in queflion. Mr. J. W. Campbell was not willing to cenfure before he was convinced it was merited. Mr. Mott faid, only one gentleman appeared fatisfied and acquainted with the charges against Judge Chase, and he tho't they ought to be laid before the houfe, previous to the appointment of the committee. Mr. Randolph faid he had fufficient grounds for the refolution be offered,

"It is a fact univerfally city and Virginia, that M threatened to impeach Jud that in a large company he p to bring forward the impe could obtain papers if tim mond. It is alfo afferted of veracity, that Mr. Giles if he had remained a mem

have impeached the three Patterson, and Washington.

In the house of reprefe 10, on motion of Mr. J. folved that the committee enquire into the official cor uel Chafe and Richard P powered to fend for perfon records.