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The Wreath.

NEW YEAR'S ADDRESSES REVIEWED.

Connecticut Courant.

As our review of this address will be little more than a selection of some of its best passages, the Wreath appears to be its most appropriate place. The Hartford poets are celebrated for their newyear's effusions; and we think the address for the present season, far excels any former effort. It has, indeed, called forth the following compliment from a democratic editor of first-rate taler.ts. "We are always pleased with sterling wit and pungent "satire, wherever it may be found, and whatever "may be the subject.-We cannot therefore with"hold our tribute of applause, from the anniversa"ry Ode in the Connecticut Courant, entitled, "SKETCHES OF THE TIMES.'-It is a legitimate "offspring of the sportive Muse, which brought "forth Hudibras and presided at the birth of Mc'

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And shall the great of modern days, Fail of the meed of future praise ?

Shall not remotest ages see

The lights of EIGHTEEN HUNDRED THREE
Shall Jefferson, grown old and spleeny

In dudgeon quit his "red Arena ?"
From fame " occluded," dark and dreary,
Plunge headlong into death's "vast prairie 2"
Shall Johnny Randolph cease to bloom?
Shall Paine reel silent to the tomb?
Shall Gallatin unheaded stray
Adown Time's dark and cheerless way,
Without one friendly tongue to tell,
Who "stop'd of government de veel ?"
Or Farmer Lincoln drag his name,
Thro' oppugnation" up to fame ?
Shall nought of Granger be rehears'd,
But that the bag of wind is burst?
Shail Fate's "Recorder" only say-
"Cheetham and Dun were hang'd to day ?"
Justice forbid-Their names shall ring,
Till the last Poets cease to sing;
And tho' old Homer's spirit's fled,
Tho' Virgil's number'd with the dead;
Some genius fir'd with humbler lays,
Shall register their claim to praise,
To unborn Homers transmit down,
Their memoranda of renown.

But, as the weather grows severe, We'll just survey the country here, Pick up the patriots few that stray, And drag their merits into day, Mark how the Rights of Man are further'd, Then spend the winter at the Southward.

And here, in erring reason's spite,
Mid storms of truth, and floods of light,
The three New England States are found,
Firm on the Washingtonian ground.
See MASSACHUSETTS free, and bold,
Too proud, too STRONG to be control'd-
She, who first spurn'd Britannia's sway,
And to fair Freedom led the way,
Prepares to re-assert her claim,
The first in numbers, wealth and fame.
NEW HAMPSHIRE at her northern side,
By party teaz'd, in danger tried,
Throws every wave of faction back,
And gains new strength from each attack,
While on the south, undaunted, free,
'Gainst every foe arm'd cap-a-pie,
Unmov'd by threats, unaw'd by fears,
CONNECTICUT her front uprears.
On Democratic frontiers plac'd
By spirits base and foul disgrac'd,
Annoy'd by Jacobinic engines,
And doom'd to Governmental vengeance,
Strait on her course she firmly steers,

Nor gibes, nor tacks, nor scuds, nor veers.
Not the whole force they all can yield,
Can drive her veterans from the field.
The same pure, patriotic fires,

Which warm'd the bosoms of their Sires,
That generous, that effulgent flame,
Which glow'd in Winthrop's deathless name,
Unsullied through their bosoms runs,
Inspires and animates their Sons.

The poet next gives us a glowing sketch of the New-Haven Thanksgiving, to which he adds the following lines of consolation to Connecticut demo

crats :

Poor souls-before this stubborn State, To Democrats resigns its fate, Your growth of timber must be shifted, Your character from filth be lifted. Will Freemen virtuous, just, and brave, Of tempers firm, and manners grave, To Freedom born, by Plenty fed, By Trumbull and by Ellsworth led, Bow down their necks to slavery's bands, And trust themselves in Kirby's hands? Shall Abraham Bishop guard their morals? And Wolcott settle all their quarrels ?

Leaving Connecticut, the poet turns to New. York, where he says "the Clinton band," Cheetham, Ambrose Spencer, &c. &c.

With swords, and staves, and whip, and spur,
Rush forth to war with Cel. Burr.
So have I seen with fiery rage,
A Hawk and Snake in fight engage,
For such a combat nothing loth,
But wish'd the devil had them both.

Here too, with joy unmix'd we see,
Precept and practice both agree-
The Common Law, that awful code,
Contriv'd by Kings, and wrote in blood,
By Ambrose Spencer well applied,
Stings Harry Croswell's Waspish bide.
True, Democrats obtain'd their cause,
By railing at Sedition Laws;
But times are alter'd-they've succeeded,
And all the force of lies is needed;
Nor are they so far lost to sense,
As to take Truth for evidence.

Touching lightly upon New-Jersey, the poet next proceeds to Pennsylvania, where, with other " for. eign rogues," the "Organ of the Public Will" cuts a conspicuous figure

:

Here from the fangs of Justice fled, Bearing about a forfeit headThat head which erst made dismal dole, High mounted on " Calcutta-pole," When borne in state from door to door, To break his fast with Sir John ShoreThe Presidential Bag-pipe lives, And on the public treasure thrives.

[TO BE CONTINUED.]

TERMS OF THE BALANCE,
FOR 1804.

To City Subscribers, Two Dollars and Eity Cents, payable quarterly.

To those who receive them by mail, Two Dellars, payable in advance.

To those who take their papers at the office, in bundles, or otherwise, a deduction from the city price will be made.

A handsome Title Page and Table of Contents will accompany the last number of the volume. Advertisements inserted in a handsome and con spicuous manner, in the Advertiser which accompa• nies the Balance.

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The

COLUMBIAN

AND

Balance,

REPOSITORY.

Driginal.

"HAIL SACRED POLITY, BY FREEDOM REAR'D!

61 HAIL SACRED FREEDOM, WHEN BY LAW RESTRAIN'D !"

BEATTIE

HUDSON, (NEW-YORK) TUESDAY, JANUARY 31, 1804.

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Have the Legislature a right to maintain religion, at the public expence ?

They have a right, and it is their duty to do it, if the public opinion will permit ?

Whence does this right refult?

It refults from their general right to do whatever they may deem neceffary to promote the common good.

But is it prudent for them to exercife this right?

The prudence of the measure will depend on the exifting ftate of public opinion; but if that will not permit, civil liberty cannot long be fupported.

Why can it not be supported?

Because, without religion there will be no virtue, and virtue is the bafis of civil liberty.

If by religion be meant that temper and conduct which feeks the honor of God and the happiness of man, he has nothing elfe to do, but to promote religion both in Is not the promife of God to Jupport himself and others, within the limits pre-religion fufficient without human aid?

fcribed him.

The promise of God will be verified ;

But is not his agency confined to fecu- but this promife involves the use of hu

lar concerns?

His agency relates to fecular concerns immediately, but he ought ultimately and chiefly to feek the eternal interefts of men in all his conduct.

Will not this view of the fubject confound the province of the magiftrate, with that of the minifters of religion?

Not at all; to promote the beft interests of men by enacting and executing a good fyftem of laws, and by providing for the common defence and welfare, is very diftinct from promoting the fame interefts by teaching the principles of religion, and enforcing them by the hopes and fears of the golpel,

man means and exertions.

Still the question remains, is the public maintenance of religion one of thofe

means?

It was a mean of fupporting religion by divine appointment under the ancient Jewish Theocracy; it has been a mean in all Christian nations fince; and it will be a mean in the most profperous ftate of the church of Chrift on earth when kings shall be its nurfing fathers and queens its nurfing mothers.

Does not the principle advanced imply a right in the Legislature to choofe what kind of religion to maintain ?

It does; public opinion alone muft decide this question.

Will they not, then, maintain a corrupt religion, where fuch a religion prevails among the people?

They will; but corrupt religion is more. useful to the state than atheism or total irreligion, for all the various systems, which have prevailed in the world, agree in fome common principles, the belief of which has contributed to that order and peace in fociety which have exifted.

What are thofe common principles ?

The chief are, that there is a Supreme God who prefides over the univerfe; that we are accountable to him for our conduct; and that he will reward or punifh us, in a future ftate, according to our works. A belief of thofe great principles has been, and ever will be, the bafis of fociety.

How are they the bafis of fociety?

By operating on our hopes and fears, which are the most powerful springs of action, they reftrain wickedness in a degree. beyond our prefent conceptions; they are the foundation of all judicial and office oaths; without which, trials at law would be a farce, and investigation of truth uterly hopelefs; and they are the fource of all that truth and confidence which exift

between man and man.

Will not honeft men fpeak the truth as witneffes, in judicial proceedings, without being under the obligations of an

oath?

They will, but the nore they feel the obligations of truth the better, and the awful fanctity of an oath often fupports a feeble virtue; and it must be remembered,

that honeft men are formed by a firm per. fuafion and belief of these great principles; and without them, truth and juftice would

be banished from the earth.

Was the public maintenance of religion deemed neceffary by the ancient Pagans? It was; their fatefmen and legiflators agreed in opinion, that government could not be fupported without it and if they derived fuch benefit from a religion mixed with fable and falfhood, how much greater might this favoured nation expect, from the pure religion of the gospel.

Vould not truth be more likely to previl, if the Legiflature were to regard all Systems of religion with equal favour?

To regard all fyftems, as Paganifm, Judaifm, Chriflianity, and Mahometifu with equal favour would be as abfurd in the Legiflature, as in the teacher of religion; it would be, in effect, to neglect all; but for the Legiflature and the teacher to negleft all fyftem of religion would not be the best means to caufe truth to prevail.

Ought a Chriftian Legislature to regard the various fhades of opinion which dif tinguish the different fects of Chriftians?

They ought not; they will look with equal favour on all who worship the Father through the Son, if they hold no princi ple hoftile to fociety, or to the genius of the government.

Does it not infringe the rights of con fcience to compel a citizen to pay for the Jupport of religion which he does not ap. prove?

It does not, any more than to compel him to pay for the fupport of any measure which he deems unjuft or ufelefs, or to which his private judgment ftands oppof

ed.

What is it to infringe the rights of confcience?

It is to punish a man for a religious opinion.

Does not the taking of a man's property, in the cafe fuppofed, amount to a punishment?

It does not; because the taking is by a common rule, which affects all the citi zens alike, who are not punished but taxed and because the taking is not for, or on account of, his private opinion, which is not regarded or confidered.

Has the individual, then, no right to exercife private judgment in this cafe?

is no otherwife concerned, than to dietate the payment of the tax, as a lawful debt, created by the highest authority, and a part of the price of his freedom and protection as a citizen.

But can the individual in confcience pay his tax if the avowed object was the fupport of idolatrous worship?

If the Legislature have a right to judge for what purposes, and to what amount to tax the people, which must be admitted; then, the individual has no right to oppose his private judgment to their decifion; tor otherwife, there will co-exist rights totally repugnant to each other: if they have a right to judge, he has not if they have a right to judge, they have a right to take; and if they have a right to take, he has not a right to withhold: his confcience

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He can; he is not accountable for the application of the money; his paying what will otherwife be taken by force of law is no expreffion of approbation of the object to be promoted, any more, than his walking to the flake would exprefs his approbation of the fentence, by which he is to be burnt as a heretic. Chrift wrought a miracle to pay a tax to the Roman government, which, in respect to Judea, was an ufurpation, and which fupported an idolatrous worship; we are bound to render unto Cæfar the things that are Cæfar's, and to God the things that are God's. We are taught to render tribute to whom tribute is due, cuftom to whom cuftom, fear to whom fear, honor to whom honor.

for the public maintenance of religion? Have you any other reafon to affign

It is all important, because it is a public homage paid by the fupreme power of the State to God, who is the fountain of all dominion, authority and power, in heaven and on earth; who is king of kings. and lord of lords; on whom all nations

depend for their existence and profperity, and who ruleth in the kingdoms of men, and giveth them to whomfoever he will. (TO BE CONTINUED.)

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The topic here alluded to, is the breach. of treaty on the pars of Spain," in withholding the right of depofit." He proceeds thus

"The fudden withholding of the right "of depofit at that place, which had been folemnly ftipulated by treaty, created a

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As we have not the leaft doubt who is the person that writes the American article for the Monthly Magazine-we are ve ry forry to be compelled to obferve that this statement is totally untrue. Let him, if he can, mention the federal that paper infinuated to the Western States, in the moft diftant manner, the doctrine of infurrection. We may fafely defy him to do it. It then refts with him to reconcile it to his confcience or to his public charafter, how he could prepare fuch a cal umny for publication, and fend it across the Atlantic for the purpose of difparaging the views of the federal party here. He continues the misrepresentation

"The fuggeftions, though well calcu"lated to gratify the feelings of the mo

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ment, obtained no fuccefs. The Wel "tern States ftrongly attached to the ad"ministration, to republican principles, "to the authority of the conftitution, to "law and to order, retufed to listen to

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What remonftrances, Sir! Has then our government had the boldness to remonftrate? If so we are very glad of it, but upon my word this is the first time I ever heard of it.

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"At length the order of the King of

that it might be the means of putting a
ftop to what we thought had a tendency
to deceive the public.

We confefs, that without vanity on our
part, we expected that our paragraph
would have met with a pretty general re-

In the fervor of his high-blown pride, he proceeded with measures, of which his sober reason has long since, no doubt, taught him to repent. But there were bounds which Gov. M Kean felt no disposition to overleap. The judicial institutions of our country, he wished to preserve unsullied and unim

Spain arrived, the conduct of the In-publication from the federal preffes, efpe. paired. The multitude, however, were determined "tendant was difavowed and the right of depofit entirely restored."

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cially at the eastward; instead of which we faw no more of it, excepting that one This is another mifreprefentation, e- of the Bofton editors deigned to fay in qually unworthy and wicked with the for-three words of his own, that fuch a demer. Has the King of Spain difavowed the conduct of the Intendant?-When, where, and in what terms? Where is the order here fpoken of, and who has feen it? At what period was the right of depofit entirely restored? What reparation has been made for injury done? What recompence for lofles fuftained? What punishment for malconduct has been inflicted or awarded ? -None, none.

The following obfervation, which is the laft we fhall extract, does equal credit to his love of candor and his regard for truth:

"The efforts of the federalifts to in"volve the United States in the calami"ties of war, were, on this occafion, "prompt, bold, and preferving. Their difappointment indicates a degree of "good fenfe, moderation and reflection "in the great body of the people which "does them much honor."

66

tection had been made. As it was of a
general nature, we did think and we still
think that the article ought to have been
tranfplanted entire into the federal preffes.
Had it been, we fhould not now have
witneffed this important attempt in Mr.
Jefferfon's editor to put off the mifrepre-
fentations of a New-York democrat as "the
opinion entertained abroad of the motives
and tendency of the measures of the oppo-
nents of the adminiftration" and as
"the
award of hiflory."

To prevent this impofition or a fimilar
one from ever being repeated, we now
feel justified in ftating it as a fact that we
are very certain will not be denied by
him, that the writer of the "Retrofpe&"
for the Monthly Magazine, is no otherthan
a late learned Profeffor, who left his gown
and flippers in the College-Hall to become
our political Palinurus, and direct the af
fairs of the nation; and, from his present
fituation, we fear, he was not fo utterly
ignorant as he ought to have been of this
flagrant and fcandalous attempt in the
minifterial paper at Washington to mislead
the public.

Editor's Closet.

GOVERNOR M KEAN & Co.

Some weeks since, we presented our readers with Gov. M'Kean's address to the legislature of Pennsylvania, containing his reasons for witholding his

to leave nothing standing which had been" sanctified by experience;" and the governor found that it was much more difficult to extinguish a flame, than to enkindle it. He found, tho' too late, that it was much easier to lead the faction forward to deeds of destruction, than to check their mad career. He found, in short, that all his efforts were insufficient to save the judiciary from immolation. But this is not all-The very men who were wont to extol the governor while he went with the current, are now provoking themselves to cast him up." The Aurora man, that "drill sergeant" of democracy--that speaking-trumpet of jacobinism-that "great-toe of the rabble," has begun the attack, and we have no doubt but he will persevere until the governor's "giddy and unsure habitation" is tumbled to the ground.

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LOVE OF THE PEOPLE.

In the Aurora of Jan. 10, we observe an address to the legislature of Pennsylvania, on the subject of reforming the judicial system of the state, The writer of this address says, he "makes no doubt but the governor and all the law characters of the state, will prefer increasing the number of judges: The disposition, (continues the writer) to adhere to an old system is almost inseparable from those in power, on account of the security it gives them of continued profit and advantage." Ah, ha! here is a genuine picture of modern patriotism—a true specimen of what the democrats call regard for the people's rights. Here we are told that a man who has been elected to office by a majority of thirty thousand democrats, will stick to a certain system because it secures him profit and advantage. This is disinterested patriotism, with a witness. Let these democrats alone, and they will soon shew us what they mean by loving the people.

assent from the bill for extending the powers of jus- To Readers & Correspondents.

We come now to the main purpose of this article. This is the third time that we have taken occafion to apprife the A. merican people, that the department of the London Monthly Magazine derominated the Half yearly retrofpect of American Literature" is written not in England, but in this country.-We felt ourfelves called upon more than a year ago to explain this fact, for the purpofe of filencing, at that time, the ealern democratic preffes on the fubject of Dr. Emmons' celebrated faft day fermon. They with much oflentation ufhered to their readers what they called a review of this fermon by the impartial English critics; and appeared to think that they had gained a great triumph in being able to fhew that it had met with unqualified condemnation from fuch diftinguifhed literary characters.-We had long been fatisfied that all the articles under the above head were of American manufacture, but on that occafion we produced conclufive evidence of the fact from one of the numbers of the Magazine itfelf. It appeared that the "retrofpe&t" did not arrive in feafon to be included in the number for January, 1802, and the editors therefore found themfelves compelled to make the apology, that "The Retrofpect of American Literature had been regularly tranfmitted from America and had, by fome accident, been detained on its paffage." At that time we took fome pains to place this matter in an unanswerable point of view, in hopespected that his "habitation was giddy and unsure."

tices of the peace. The governor, no doubt, thought
that his cogent and sensible reasoning would check
the tumult of democracy, and restrain the outrages
of unruly jacobinism. But he was mistaken. The
bill in question has passed both houses of the legis-
lature by the constitutional majority; and has there-
fore become a law, nothwithstanding the dissent of
the governor.

"An habitation giddy and unsure

Hath he that buildeth on the vulgar heart.
O thou fond many! with what loud applause
Didst thou beat heav'n with blessing this M'Kean,
Before he was what thou wouldst have him be!
And now being trimm'd up in thine own desires,
Thou, beastly feeder, art to full of him,
That thou provok'st thyself to cast him up."

Gov. M Kean was elected by a majority of 30,000.
Led to authority by such a multitude, he little sus-

or

If any sentiments should be found in the Political Catechism, now publishing in this paper, which do not exactly coincide with those of the reader, which it may be supposed do not correspond with those of the editor, it should be reflected, that a free press is a medium, through which every person has a right to convey, in a decent manner, his opinions to the public; and that sentiments thus contmunicated are open to free discussion and scrutiny. Whether all the doctrines advanced by my respected correspondent, can be fully supported, is not a question for me to decide, The production in view, is written with ability, and treats of the most important concerns; it is, therefore, deserving of attentive perusal.

"CATO," on the impeachment of Judge Chase, is unavoidably postponed until next week.

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vent a refort to the houfe; because fays the gentleman from Virginia, (Mr. Taylor,)" If you permit the election to go into the houfe, there, are fmall ftates, and minorities, and all the evils of a diet election;" meaning, that corruption must be the confequence. But he fays, "let there be a divided election, by the electors, meeting by ftates feparately, and you lef fen the tendency to corruption." This may look plaufible in theory, but I think practice will fhow its fallacy.

It may be better for the electors to meet

this can never prove that they are less liable to corruption than the houfe of reprefentatives; which is the only point in queftion.

Mr. Prefident, it has often been faid byby ftates, than for all to be together, but the difcerning and judicious of this and other countries, that our conftitution, for its brevity, its comprehenfiveness, its prefpicuity, and the political (kill contained in it, was the beft ftate paper extant. I believe all this, and even more is a tribute juftly due to its merits; and I am perfuaded that the article which fixes a mode for the choice of a chief magiftrate, ftands moft prominent among its excellences.

Let us now, fir, examine and compare the merits of the amendment with a fpecial reference to this laft view we have taken of the conflitutional provifion.

The amendment authorizes the electors to vote for a Prefident, and for a VicePrefident by fpecific defignation. Is ambition in your country? Here is a direct and inviting object for its operations.

Is the integrity of your clectors affailable? You place it here in the most encouraging attitude for an affault. A fear of detection, and a feale of fhame, upon, the expofure of an improper action, has been, perhaps, a better fecurity against political errors or crimes, than all the moral virtues united, when the temptation hás been attended with an impoffibility of detection. An intrigue with an elector, can be carried on without much danger of detection; but when your election is carried into the houfe of reprefentatives, befides the ordinary weight of character in favor of the members of that houfe, a detection of an intrigue with a candidate is almoft certain. It will be recollected, that at the laft election, two or three members held the choice perfectly in their own hands. If I miflake not, three gentlemen, that is, a member from New-Jerfey, a member from Vermont, and one from either Maryland, Delaware, or Tenneffee, could have given a Prefident to the United States. The particular gentlemen mentioned were above fufpicion of bribery; but in addition to this circumfiance, if they had in the contelt, gone over, from improper motives or under the influence of bribery, a detec

tion was certain.

vote.

one addition made this morning, deferves attention; I mean that which authorizes the Vice-Prefident to adminifter the gov ernment, in cafe neither the first nor the fecond conftitutional electors effe& a choice of President.

This is a new principle, and its opera tion is more uncertain, than that of any other part of the propofed amendment. Viewing it in one point of light, it may be thought to confer a new power upon the Senate; that of giving a Pefident to the union. And it is faid, that this part will recompenfe the fmall flates, who have the afcendency in the Senate, for the injury inflicted by the other parts of the amend ment. If it be true, that the last part reftores all which the former parts have taken The manner of electing the Vice-Prefi- away from us, it is inconceivable, why adent, as propofed by the amendment, not ny man can with to pass a refolution, the only invites ambition to an unchecked op- parts of which thus mutually deftroy each eration; but expofes us to the felection of other. It is poffible, that by the force of a lefs important, and more unfit perfon, intrigue and taction, the electors may be than the conititutional provifion. In ad- induced to fcatter their votes for both Pief dition to his importance in the government ident and Vice-Prefident, in fuch manner, arifing from his incidental fucceffion to the as to prefent feveral candidates to the chief magiftracy, the Vice-Prefident is ext houfe for Prefident, and two or more 19 officio, Prefident of the Senate, and gives the Senate for Vice-Prefident. In which a dire& influence, to the flate from which cafe the Senate might immediately choofe he is chofen, of a third vote in this body, or felcet a Vice-Prefident. In this ftate of in all cafes of equal divifion, which are things, there is an opportunity afforded for ulually the cafes of moft importance. Be-an intrigue, of a very extenfive and alarmfides, his influence as prefiding officer is, perhaps, more than equal to the right of a It becomes therefore peculiarly important to the fmall flates, and to minorities, whofe fecurity refts in this body, not only that their influence in the election of Vice-Prefident fhould not be diminished; but, that no measure be adopted, which may tend to beftow the office upon an unworthy character. By the proposed amendment, this character muft neceffarily become a fort of make-weight, and ftep. ping-flone for the Prefidency.-As in recruiting for an army, a man, active, and of a particular caft of character, but not very proper for a commander in chief, 18 employed to obtain recruits, and upon condition that he obtains a given number, is to be rewarded with a fergeant's warrant; fo in this cafe, the man who can procure a given number of votes for Prefident, will be encouraged to hope for the Vice Prefidency; and where will fuch characters be fought after? In Delaware or Rhode-Ifland? No fir, but in the great ftates; there the recruiting talents will be put in operation, becaule the number of recruits, or votes, will be fufficient to teft his active and recruiting merits. And thus the office of Vice-Prefident will be fent to market, with hardly a poffible chance to meet an honeft purcl:afer.

This will remain forever, the criterion, as it refpects the relative danger of intrigue I have already remarked upon the alterand bribery, in the two modes of choice. ation made by the Senate, in the refoluAnd the amendment is avowedly intended tion paffed by the houfe of reprefentatives, to fecure a choice by electors, and to pre-changing the number five to three. But

ing nature. The Senate, I mean a major. ity of them, might with that the man whom they had elected Vice-Prefident fhould adminifter the government; and if the house could be prevented from agreeing, their wifhes would be gratified. The facility of preventng over that of producing a choice is very obvious.

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A bold addrefs may be made to any member of the houfe, without wounding his pride, or offending his morality, to adhere to his candidate, and not change his vote fo as to effect a choice. He can be told that there is no danger of leaving the United States without a Prefident, there is one already chofen to his hand, by the Senate; and this perfon may be more the object of his wifhes, than any of the other candidates, his favorite excepted. In this procefs the Senate may give a Prefident to the United States. But if the probability of fuch a process and fuch an event is increafed by the amendment of this morning, it certainly cannot greatly recommend it. For myfelt, I wish for no alteration in the conftitution, not even it its operation were directly in favor of the fmall ftates, more efpecially, if fuch a favor is to be derived through a fort of double confpiracy of intrigue; in the first place to operate on the electors, and then on the houfe of repre fentatives. It feems to me, that the fmall ftates had better be contented to enjoy the rights now fecured to them by the conftitution, which they can honeftly do, rather than fubmit to a deprivation of their rights,

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