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tillas. The Firft Conful is preffing all the works with an inconceivable activity."

It is thought that government will fhortly appoint a committee charged to compliment the First Conful, who it is hoped will arrive foon at Fleffingue.

NOVEMBER 11.

On the 14th Nov. the First Conful, af. ter having reviewed the army at Boulogne, ordered the execution of feveral military night evolutions.-On the 15th the Bou." There have been launched at Rotterlogue flotilla was reinforced by fixty veffels dam, five new flat-bottomed boats which from Havre, each carrying 24 pounders. complete the number of 50 of these vefThe First Conful vifited feveral of thefe fels, all ready to put to fea. Nine fchoonveffels, fome of which performed a few ev- ers deftined to carry each three 18-poundolutions with great promptnefs & regulari-er, are yet on the flocks & nearly finished. ty. On the 17th the First Conful was to go to Eftaples, to view the works there. The camps of the army at Boulogne, resemble a town, and are very comforta ble and healthy;

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The frigate Irene, lately built at Rotter-
dam, has been fent to Helvoetfluys, to be
armed and equiped, and put in a state of
armed and equiped, and put in a state of

fervice.

MILAN, NOVEMBER 10.

Journals to enable us to examine whether fuch attacks have been actually made upon M. Markoff. It is known, however, to every one that at the last Confular Levee of which we have received accounts, that gentleman was not present.

Literary Motice.

LIFE OF WASHINGTON.

Gentlemen in this vicinity, who feel dif posed to patronize this grand national work, have now an opportunity-the fubfcriber being authorized to receive fubfcriptions. The divifion of troops of the Italian Thofe who wish to be poffeffed of this inRepublic, which goes to France, has revaluable hiftory, will do well to make earceived pofitive orders to fet off on the 17thly application, as the first volume is now of this month. That divifion comprizes more than feven thousand, one thousand of which are cavalry.

BERNE, NOVEMBER 10. Orders have been brought by an extraordinary Courier, to fome of the French corps ftationed in Switzerland, to return to France without delay, in order to be employed in the extraordinary army against England, affembled in the environs of Saint Omer and Dunkirk.

On the 5th November, the Burghers of Hamburgh granted a loan of four million for the States of Hanover. Gen. Berthier of livres, demanded by general Berthier proceeded to Bremen and Lubeck to make fimilar demands.

A letter from Kingston, Jamaica, dated Dec. 6, fays-"We have juft learnt by the Revolutionare Frigate, arrived this morning from Portsmouth, (E.) that Admiral [Luiois] and his whole fquadron have been captured by the English in the Eaft Indies, on their paffage to take possesfion of Pondicherry."

LONDON, NOV. 19.

An American gentleman who arrived in town on Thurfday from Paris, ftates, that M. Markoff has lately experienced a fresh infult from the First Conful, who is enraged at the interference of the Eniperor Alexander, refpe&ting the threatening attack upon Portugal. The diurnal prefs, it is faid, has been excited to calumniate this Ambaflador, and it has been intimated to thofe of other courts, that his exclufion from their public entertainments will be perfonally gratifying to the Firft Conful.

We have not feen any recent Paris

in the prefs, and no fubfcription will be reSceived after the publication of this volume. The terms of fubfcription may be feen in the Balance Advertiser, or at the office of HARRY CROSWELL.

Jan. 24th, 1804.

The Knot.

MARRIED,

On the 25th ult. at the Creek Meeting. House of Friends in Ninepartners, Dutchess County, Mr. PAUL UPTON, jun. to the amiable Miss ANNA CARMAN, daughter of Lott Carman, both of the town of Stanford, in said county.

At Hamilton, in Chenango County, on Thursday evening, December 15ht, by the Rev. Mr. Hosmer, Colonel NATHANIEL KING, to Miss OTILLIA MEYEN.

To Correspondents.

"A CITIZEN," is received; but it is suspected that the writer has sent his communication to the wrong printing-office, by mistake. He cannot surely suppose that the editor of the Balance, as a federalist, has any thing to do with the subject of which he treats. If the good republicans, and friends of the people, and disinterested patriots, and all such kind of people, cannot agree among themselves, we have certainly nothing to do with their quarrels. However, we will publish the communication, or send it to the Bee bive next week.

On Saturday last, a Pocket-Book containing

a sum of money, was left in the store of WALDO MARVIN, where the owner may receive it.

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LET others enamour'd of seasons more gay,
Their harps to the primrose of April attune;
Let them carol the sweets of the lily rob'd May,
Or garnish their lays with the rose-buds of June.
Not the season of beauty, the prime of the year,
So charming, so lovely to me can appear,
As the day, when the poet to Scotia so dear,
First open'd his eyes on the banks of the Doon.

O that the lov'd bard, e'er his spirit was flown,
E'er he bade a short life of misfortune adieu,
Wide over my shoulders his mantle had thrown:
I'd have breath'd a strain worthy of him and of

you;

But alas! cold forever's the soul kindling fire,
Mute the tongue that could captivate, ravish, in-
spire,

While the hands of the feeble awaken the lyre
And the muses sigh out, "our adorers are flown."

Yet duly will we, as this season returns,
With joy to the lonely roof'd cottage repair ;
And as we pour out a libation to Burns,

Will toast the sweet dames of the Doon and the

Ayre,

And sing till each river his woodlands among,
Bid his rocks and his caverns re-echo the song,
And the winds, on their wings, waft, delighted
along,

Our esteem for the Bard, and our love to the Fair.

Diversity.

FROM THE WASHINGTON FEDERALIST.

Capitol-Hill, Dec. 22, 1803.

MR. RIND,

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As I am extremely fond of the Grand and Sublime, I have to request that you will be fo obliging as to infert in your pa per, the following fpecimens of poetical compofition. They certainly furpass any thing to be met with in modern times. I have attempted an imitation with a view of Thewing my poetical talents, as I intend to

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IT was not until the year 1608, (lays a late European publication) that the ufe of a fork at table was introduced into England. That fingular character Thomas Coriate, of Oldcombe, thus fpeaks upon. the fubject. I obferved a custom in all

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form of feeding is generally used in all places of Italy. Their forks, for the most part, being made of iron or fteel, and fome of filver, but the latter are used only by gentlemen. The reafon of this, their cu riofity, is because the Italian cannot by any means endure to have his dish touched with fingers-feeing all men's fingers are not alike clean. Hereupon I my felf thought good to imitate the Italian fashion, by this forked cutting of meat, not only whilft! was in Italy, but in Germany and oftentimes in England, fince I came home."

TWO men of the fword, one from Vir. ginia, and the other from Kentucky, meeting at an Inn in Pennsylvania, over a bottle of wine, an altercation took place, which ended in a challenge from the Vir ginian and was accepted by the Kentuckian. The feconds were chofen and the preliminaries agreed on; which were, that they fhould ftand back to back and march, and neither to fire till both had wheeled. They took their ftand and both marched; the Virginian turned and faw his antagonist ftill marching forward cried out "where are you going!" to which the other answered, cafting his eye over his right fhoulder, "I am going to Kentucky, Sir."

TERMS OF THE BALANCE,
FOR 1804.

To City Subscribers, Two Dollars and Fifty
Cents, payable quarterly.

To those who receive them by mail, Two Dellars, payable in advance.

To those who take their papers at the office, in bundles, or otherwise, a deduction from the city price will be made.

A handsome Title Page and Table of Contents will accompany the last number of the volume. Advertisements inserted in a handsome and con

nies the Balance.

NOTE.

The first and second Volumes of the Balance, may be had on the following terms ·

First Volume-unbound-
Second Volume,

Both Volumes,

the Italian cities and towns through which spicuous manner, in the Advertiser which accompa
I paffed, that is not used in any other
country that I faw in my travels, neither
do I think that any other nation in Chrif-
terdom doth ufe it, but only Italy. The
Italians, and alfo moft ftrangers that are
commorant in Italy, do always, at their
meals, use a little fork, when they cut
their meat. For while with their knife,
which they hold in one hand, they cut their
meat out of the difh, they faften their fork,
which they hold in their other hand, upon
the fame difh. So that what foever he be'
that, fitting in the company of others at
meal, fhould unadvisedly touch the difh of
meat with his fingers, from which all a
table does cut, he will give occafion of oi-
fence to the company, as having tranfgref
fed the laws of good manners, infomuc
that for his error he fhall be at least prow
beaten, if not reprehended in words. This

$ 2 $ 2,50 $4 If bound, the price of binding (either plain or el egant) will be added.—An unbound volume may be 1 sent to any post-office in the state for 52 cents post- [ age; or to any post-office in the union for 78 cents.

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Driginal.

HUDSON, (New-York) TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 14, 1804.

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How can a man be free and yet be bound?

They are flaves in choofing that which, in the end, will deprive them of al! good, and fubject them to all evil.

But is not the very idea of flavery, the being fubject to the will of another?

By no means; children are not flaves to their parents, nor fubjects to their lawful prince who rules by law, nor angels and men to God..

What then is flavery?

It is the ftate of being fubjected by force, to an ufurped authority, or to a legitimate authority, tyrannically exercif ed, or of being judicially cut off from the common rights of citizens or fubje&s.

In your fenfe of civil liberty may not the fubjects of monarchies or aristocracies be free?

They may, and indeed they are, whenever they are governed by just and equal laws.

under the bleffing of heaven, and is ufually loft by imperceptible declentions; but, when the right refts in one, or a few, the fecurity depends more on perfonal character, which is conftantly shifting from one reverfe to another.

Is it true, then, that an ignorant and vicious people are incapable of fupporting or enjoying civil liberty?

It undoubtedly is; all Republics, ancient and modern, except the United States, have loft their liberty; and, if we trace the caules, we fhall find, they may be fummed up in the dominion of the feltish paffions, or a total lofs of public spirit.

But will a people, however debafed and vicious they may be, betray their own interefts?

Experience fhews they will; and why not? we find a thief, a liar, a drunkard, a gambler, an idler, will betray their interefts, and reduce themfelves to known and

But does not civil liberty imply a legai certain mifery: The truth is ; fuch men right in the citizens to rectify abuses? and the States where they prevail prefer a It does not; this right belongs to pow-prefent gratification, though small, to a er and not to liberty. Liberty is one thing,

and power

is another. In loving his duty, he is as free at leaft But where this right remains in the citin obeying, as he who hates it is, in difo-izens, is not liberty more fecure, than beying the law, otherwife we could not be free in any thing unless in difobedience.

Are then all our actions under the reftraint of law?

Certainly they are; either human or divine law.

Are thofe free then, who difobey the law?

where it refts in one or a few ?

It may be ; ftill, the being of liberty, and its fecurity are perfectly diftin&t, the former may exift without the latter.

You fay, it may be, can you not, in truth, fay, it will be?

This will depend on circumstances; if the citizens are intelligent and virtuous, it Their choice is free; but, in truth, will be; becaufe, fuch a character, once they are flaves. formed, is not liable to fudden changes, it may continue for ages with proper care,

In what fenfe are they flaves?

diftant good, though immenfely great.

But have not Republics loft their liber. ty through the ambition of the great?

Doubtlefs ambition has been a powerful of the multitude have alone given fcope caule; ftill, the ignorance and depravity to it. Men of bad characters are easily known, and fuch can never obtain the confidence of a wife and virtuous people. The prevalence of faction is a fure mark of the decline of virtue.

Has not faclion been ufually the proximate caufe of the lefs of liberty in free. States ?

It has; it is an evil to which Republics

are fubject, more than monarchies, or ariftocracies.

What may be the reafon of this?

In thefe latter, the road to promotion is open to few or none, except of a certain order, and thefe either claim offices by hereditary right, or their intrigues for of fice are confined to the court, or the levees of the great; but in the former, it is open to all, the intrigues of the ambitious are played off upon the mafs of the people, who are, in moft countries, eafily duped by thofe who flatter them; and the game is rendered perpetual by the frequent recurrence of elections.

Does not this game, as you are pleafed to call it, tend to corrupt the morals and to debafe the character of a people?

Above all things elfe; the reafon is, it is carried on by hypocrify, lying, and the bafest calumny and abufe of good men ; by varnishing the fouleft characters; by corrupting the fountains of information, and other nefarious arts, which cannot fail of deftroying all that confidence in the public agents, and between man and man, which is effential to focial order and happiness.

What opinion must we form of a people who are profperous and happy under a government fupported by popular elec

tion?

Where this can be truly said of any people, it is the higheft eulogy which can be pronounced on them.

What are we to apprehend when, under fuch a government, the bafeft men are raifed to the first offices?

We are to apprehend a radical change in the conftitution; in fubftance; it not in

name.

(TO BE CONTINUED.)

Selected.

FROM THE CHARLESTON COURIER.

IT would be treating our readers with neglect, equally unbecoming and unusual to us, to omit foliciting their particular attention and studious perufal of Mr. TRACY'S Speech upon the great alteration lately made in the Federal Conftitution. Dur. ing the difcuffion of that very important queftion, there were fome speeches which justly laid claim to approbation. And indeed we are of opinion that when thofe debates come to be read in Europe, as unqueftionably they will be, they will imprefs the highly cultivated old orators of that quarter of the globe, with a high o pinion of the progrefs of this young country in eloquence. In fact, whether for fo much political fçience as the question in

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volved, for found fenfe, manly fentiment,
and conftitutional knowledge on one hand,
or on the other for temper and moderation,
those debates must do the country credit
wherever they are read, We have hither-
to had occafion to mention the Speech of
Mr. HUGER, which for general political
philofophy, and the application of it to the
Conftitution of America, may be put in
competition with any thing which has ap-
peared for a long time.-For depth of A-
merican conftitutional knowledge, for faga-
city, for a dexterous and clofe fifting from
that Conftitution of its original purposes,
the intentions of the people at the time it
was made, and the application of its pro-
vifions to the interefts and fecurity of the
feveral ftates, and for clofe argument, Mr.
Tracy's Speech yields to none that has been
Ipoken within the walls of Congress. In-
deed we hold the reafoning it contains to
be fo plain and unanfwerable, that the
queftion is reduced by it to this-" Is it
"expedient that the Federal Union be ex-

66

66

66

66

tinguished, the rights and independence "of the fmaller States trampled upon, and "a ftate tyranny erected, in which the larger States (Virginia in particular) fhall, like another Bonaparte, beftride "all the fmaller ones, South Carolina among the reft, and keep them in a state "of fubferviency to their interefts ?" The queftion may with propriety be asked, Have the members of the fmaller States, who have given their affent to the measure, betrayed the truft repofed in them by their conftituents, if it will have the effect attributed to it, which appears to be almoft indubitable?

we will aid you in it, and relieve you from the drudgery of working like moles under ground. If it be wrong, and unfit for the light, you are greatly condemnable for doing or attempting it. Americans are not to be treated like pouting children, and wheedled by degrees to their bread and butter-nor ought they to be tricked by purblind devices and ftratagems, into a measure, whether good or bad. For, if good, they have judgment enough to dif cern it-if bad, they have spirit and vigor enough to refent and punish it. Away, away then with all undermining, unworthy arts and deception: Proclaim openly and honeftly your intentions, and let us, whole fervants you are, know at once whether the extinction of the federal cenflitution is really the object you have in view, or not.

FROM THE ULSTER GAZETTE.

SOME of our friends are not pleased with the manner in which we have treated the controverfy between the Burrites and Clintonians. This we fincerely regretbut we confider it our duty, inasmuch as the federalifts are in fome degree umpires between these rival factions, to hold the bold language of truth-to warn them not to give up their caufe, their honor, their political exiftence for a mels of pottage, but to trust to the good fenfe of the people, who will and muft ultimately fee that there is at the bottom of this republicanifm, ava rice, ambition and an ungovernable fpirit of contention that the true ground of quarrel between the leaders of democracy is who fhall be mafter? The people will ultimately become difgufted with the repeated exhibition of the cloven-foot of jaco

For our parts we will not prefume to difcufs the merits of a queftion of fuch importance, as " Whether it would be fafe to change this union from its prefent polit-binifm and pack off the whole corps to the ical ftate into one or more republics, or into any other form whatever." But it might be worth the while of Americans to afk the gentlemen who are endeavouring to change the conftitution, and to demand from them in the ftern and inevitable lan

guage of proud republicans-What is the
objection to the conftitution? Has it done
mifchiet ?-Has it not done great good?
Is it not prefumption to fuppofe that A-
merica would have thrived more under any
other ?-Why then make experiments
which are ever attended with hazard, and
ten thousand to one will not produce good.

To this they might add-Gentlemen! if
you wish to deftroy the federal union avow
it in a manly, honest way at once. Then
we fhall be able to form a judgment of the
rectitude or impolicy of your views. If a
revolution of the kind is really good, you
need not be ashamed or afraid to exhibit it to
broad day light, fo that wE-WE THE PEO-
PLE, for whole opinions you profefs fuch
reverence, may judge of it! If it be right,

tune of Rogues all. In the name of pa tience therefore, let them go on. They are pleading the cause of federalism, and fulfil ling its predictions with a zeal that mut produce a great and powerful effe&t—a zeal that deferves our warmest thanks.

It is not recommended to our friends, however, to preferve a total apathy and indifference between the factions. We would with particularly to inculcate the propriety of keeping themselves untrammelled by any engagements. Perhaps it is not yet finally decided that Mr. Clinton is again to be a candidate for the executive chair. Perhaps fome gentleman may be nominated in whofe capacity and integrity we could repofe. If however Mr. Clinton and Mr. Burr fhould be the candidates, it will indeed be a choice of evils.

A free people are always degraded by placing at their head a man who yields the management of the executive power to favorites. Who fhrinks from refponfibility and does nothing. There was a time

able and independent man from the bench, and, at
the same time, to destroy his reputation; for we
never believed that the inquisitorial committee, af-
ter all their scrutiny and research, would be able to
make out any thing, on which an impeachment
could be legally grounded. As the business proceeds,

we are the more convinced of this.-On the 30th
ult. Mr. J. Randolph, in the name of the committee

Chase and Richard Peters, stated that documents
had been received by them which occupied a con-
siderable bulk, the printing of which would consid-
erably assist their investigation, by rendering them
more convenient for perusal. He added that it
would probably be necessary to print these papers
for the information of the House when the report
of the committee was made. He therefore moved
the vesting in them authority to cause to be printed
such papers as they might think proper.

when George Clintion was really the gov-
ernor of New-York. If measures were
condemned, he was cenfured-If impro-
per appointments were made, he was charg-
ed. But now, when the high hand of
power is felt every where when a fyftem
of terror extensive and influential is estab-
lifhed-when the prefs is fo fettered that it
requires the talent, of a very able counsel-appointed to enquire into the conduct of Samuel
lor to determine how much truth may be
published with impunity and how much
information may be communicated to the
people without incurring the contempt and
perfecution of the ruling powers-when
public profecutions are directed only a-
gainst federalifts, and the thousand calum-
nies and flanders aganft the vice prefident
which pass in review under the very scow!
of the Attorney General, are not noticed,
except perhaps to be applauded-when
truth against Jefferfon is a crime, but both
truth and fallhood against Burr a merit-
when tho' there are fome refpectable jufti-
- ces, it cannot be denied that the very
lees and dregs of democracy difgrace the
magistracy and the influence of party gov.
erns every where. In fuch a time, fo por-
tentous and fo calamitous-when the fen-
fibility of the intelligent and the virtuous.
has been wrought into the keenest indigna-
tion-when the names of De Witt and Spen-
cer are fo often repeated with difguft and
horror; Why is it that at fuch a period that
of George Clinton is fcarcely ever pro-
nounced? Why, but becaufe he retires
from refponfibility, and permitting these
young men to do what they please, hopes
to avoid public deteflation and at the fame,
time to enable them to continue in their
mad and furious career. This chicanery
ought to be understood not by the federalifts
only, but by the honeft men of the other
party. There are fuch, who fooner than
vote for any of his excellency's minions,
would expofe themfelves to the attorney-
general's common law itfelf. Would they
willingly fubmit their nights to an Empfon
and a Dudley? They would fpurn the
thought. But what is the diffe: ence be-
tween voting for them and voting for one
who refigns the reins to their hands? In-
telligent men of all parties will agree, that
a governor ought to be a man of activ-
ity and energy-one who would not dread
refponfibility that he ought to be, in that
refpe&t, what George Clinton once was.
We merely broach the fubject for the pref-

Let it be fairly examined, and no candid democrat will fay, that a federalist would be cenfurable for hefitating between Burr and Clinton.

Editor's Closet.

We have considered the late attack upon Judge Chase as a wicked and wanton attempt to drive an

Dr. Eustis suggested a doubt of the propriety of printing detached papers, which might produce an improper impression upon the public mind. The motion, however, was carried; and these documents, consisting, in all probability, of affidavits, partial and distorted certificates, stories, tales reports, conjectures, surmises, &c &c. &c. are to be printed as the official report of a committee of Congress, and, under this imposing sanction, are to be spread a broad, to prepare the public mind for any future event. Should an impeachment actually be the result, the people, having imbibed a prejudice from these documents, will behold it without a murmur; and if no pretext for impeachment should be made out, still the impressions which they will make, can never be eradicated.-Why is Judge Chase marked out as a victim of jacobin vengeance? He once pronounced sentence of death against a jacobin, who had been convicted of treason-and this accounts for it.

"IS HE HONEST ?"

We heard the substance of the following federal lie sometime ago; but having already burnt our fin gers with such kind of stories about public officers, we did not think it advisable to give twenty-four friends of the people the trouble to find another indictment against us; and so, we let it pass. But finding it now related in the Bridgeport Telegraph, a paper published in the aristocratical state of Connecticut, where falsboods only, are libels; we concieve there cannot possibly be any harm in giving it currency in this republican state, where truth only is a libel. Therefore, warning the reader, after the manner of the Ulster Gazette, that it is all a federal lie, we proceed to tell the story "in our own way, unembarrassed" by the sly hints about bonesty, buc. which appear in the Telegraph:

Once on a time (as other fable-writers say) proposals were out for carrying the mail from Bridgeport to New Milford, Connecticut. A federalist offered to carry it for 100 dollars per annum; but it was feared that this man would circulate the Telegraph and other federal papers, and thus inculcate sound principles. A very honest democrat, who seemed to be willing to do any thing to open the eyes of the people, wanted the job; but, like other modern patriots, he seemed to think himself enti

How

tled to a higher salary than the federalist.
many letters passed between him and the P. M. G.
or what were their contents, it is unnecessary
say. However, a bargain was struck-and the de.
mocrat was to receive for his services 105 dollars
cash, and 103 dollars in Babcock's Mercury, which
he was to distribute gratis for the good of the cause.
Every thing went on smoothly until Mr. Babcock
dunned the mail carrier-the mail carrier referred
the printer to the P. M. G.-the printer grew angry
& threatened to prosecute-the mail-carrier told the
secret to every body he met, and left the state,
swearing (according to the Telegraph) "that a man
corrupt in his private character can never be relied
on as a faithful public servant."

"

Another infuriated man, fecking his long loft" reputation.

On Thursday last, the editor of the Balance was waited upon, by sheriff Van Der Poel, with a piece of parchment about so big, from Cheetham! This makes the third private suit that has been brought against the present editor-The first by Ambrose Spencer; the second by Ebenezer Foot, and the third by James Cheetham.-Spencer, Foot, and Cheetham —a pretty trio !—" Let the greatest ***** throw the first stone."

Whether these men have found any thing in my publications, which they really believe they can make the ground of an action, or whether these suits are brought as a part of that system of oppression with which I am threatened to be borne down, it is impossicle, at present, to tell.

Of the first on the list, I have nothing to say. He is now a judge of our Supreme Court; and it is to be hoped that he will, in future, so far depart from his old babits, as to deserve that reverence and respect which ought ever to be due to such high judicial characters.

As to the second being, Foot, he will never dare to come into a court of justice, and ask for damages for any charges which have been made against him. His insignificance has been his only protection against that severity of animadversion which he justly merite. As to Cheetham's reputation, viewed in its best light, I believe it scarcely worth four pence half penny.

Boes, for the Salem Register to pick.

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The Salem Register, after repeatedly boasting of the increase of democracy, says, It is amusing to see how folly increases."

The Salem Register asserts an abominable falshood, when it says that." the opposition employed Callender," if by opposition, it means the fede al party. The old opposition-the anti-federalists, did employ Callender; and when we are permitted to give the truth in evidence, we will tell the public something further on the subject.

The Salem Register, in defending the democratic practice of hiring foreign scribblers, says, "Let there be day light, and we need not fear," &c. If a few more such scribblers as Duane, Cheetham and Pasquin, are imported amongst us, we think there will be no great safety except in day-light, especially since Cheetham has given us some idea of his stabbing-notions.

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