This is the second time I have had the distinction of appearing before your honorable body. The first was less than one week after your organization when as Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the United States I formally and authoritatively recognized the new Government of freed Russia. To-day I come in the same official capacity to present to you a High Commission appointed by the President of the United States and consisting of seven civilians, the Chief of Staff of the United States Army, and an Admiral of the United States Navy. This commission has journeyed twenty thousand miles, or three quarters of the circumference of the earth, to extend to Russia the greetings of one hundred million freemen, to express their good will and to ask how they can most effectively cooperate against a common enemy to the end that the liberty which they have enjoyed for a century and a half and the freedom into which liberated Russia has come may be secured for living generations and for generations to come. This commission is composed of patriotic unselfish Americans who represent every party organization in the United States and every phase of political belief. There are no classes in our country. There are no rulers there: no sovereign but the will of the people. There is constituted authority but those chosen to administer it are trustees of the sovereign will, and wield no power other than in accordance with that will. These honorable commissioners are familiar with our governmental fabric; they know the sentiment of America and reflect the spirit of her people. The foundation stone of our institutions is government by consent of the governed, the superstructure is universal education, the crowning arch equality of opportunity. The sentiment of our people is love of liberty and sincere sympathy with the oppressed; the spirit of to-day is one of service. The whole country has been electrified by the burning words of President Wilson and all of the people are enthusiastically responding to his appeal to "act, think and speak together." Moved by such sentiments and thoroughly imbued with the spirit of service these Americans have cheerfully responded to the call of President Wilson and are here to perform an important duty. I feel it a great honor to present this Special Diplomatic Commission of the United States to the Provisional Government of Russia. Permit me to introduce to the Council of Ministers the distinguished chairman of the High Commission, Honorable Elihu Root, former Secretary of War, former Secretary of State, former Senator of the United States, always a true American. President of Council of Ministers, Minister Foreign Affairs and Chairman Root lunched with me to-day, conference quite satisfactory. Mott and Crane dined with me yesterday. Minister Finance, Bertron and McCormick lunch with me to-morrow. Minister War, Scott and Glennon lunch with me Sunday, Duncan and Russell Monday to meet socialistic members of Ministry. Have adopted this plan being most effective. Furthermore no official life here. Socialistic papers still criticizing President's message. FRANCIS File No. 763.72/5374 The Ambassador on Special Mission to Russia (Root) to the Secre tary of State [Telegram] PETROGRAD, June 17, 1917, 7 p. m. [Received June 19,7 a. m.] 7. Mr. Root's address to Council of Ministers Friday, June 15: Mr. President and members of the Council of Ministers, the mission for which I have the honor to speak is charged by the Government and the people of the United States of America with a message to the Government and the people of Russia. The mission comes from a democratic Republic; its members are commissioned and instructed by a President who holds his high office as Chief Executive of more than one hundred million free people by virtue of a popular election in which more than eighteen million votes were cast and fairly counted pursuant to law by universal, equal, direct and secret suffrage. For one hundred and forty years our people have been struggling with the hard problems of self-government. With many shortcomings, many mistakes, many imperfections, we have still maintained order and respect for law, individual freedom and national independence. Under the security of our own laws we have grown in strength and prosperity but we value our freedom more than wealth. We love liberty and we cherish above all our possessions the ideals for which our fathers fought and suffered and sacrificed that America might be free. We believe in the competence and power of democracy and in our heart of hearts abides a faith in the coming of a better world in which the humble and oppressed in all lands may be lifted up by freedom to a heritage of justice and equal opportunity. The news of Russia's new-found freedom brought to America universal satisfaction and joy. From all the land sympathy and hope went out towards the new sister in the circle of democracies and this mission is sent to express that feeling. The American democracy sends to the democracy of Russia greeting, sympathy, friendship, brotherhood, and Godspeed. Distant America knows little of the special conditions of Russian life which must give form to the Government and to the laws which you are about to create as we have developed our institutions to serve the needs of our national character and life. So we assume that you will develop your institutions to serve the needs of Russian character and life. As we look across the sea we distinguish no party and no class; we see great Russia as a whole, as one mighty striving and aspiring democracy; we know the self-control, the essential kindliness, the strong common sense, the courage and noble illustrations of Russian character; we have faith in you all; we pray for God's blessings upon you all; we believe that you will solve your problems, that you will maintain your liberty, and that our two great nations will march side by side in the triumphant progress of democracy until the old order has everywhere passed away and the world is free. One fearful danger threatens the liberty of both nations-the armed forces of military autocracy are at the gates of Russia and of her allies. The triumph of German arms will mean the death of liberty in Russia. No enemy is at the gates of America but America has come to realize that the triumph of German arms means the death of liberty in the world; that we who love liberty and would keep it must fight for it and fight now when the free democracies of the world may be strong in union and not delay until they may be beaten down separately in succession. So America sends another message to Russia; that we are going to fight and have already begun to fight for your freedom equally with our own and we ask you to fight for our freedom equally with yours. We would make your cause ours and our cause yours and with common purpose and the mutual helpfulness of firm alliance make sure the victory over our common foe. You will recognize your own sentiments and purposes in the words of President Wilson to the American Congress, when, on the 2d of April last, he advised the declaration of war against Germany. He said: We are accepting this challenge of hostile purpose because we know that in such a government (the German Government) following such methods we can never have a friend; and that in the presence of its organized power always lying in wait to accomplish we know not what purpose there can be no assured security for the democratic governments of the world. We are now about to accept the gage of battle with this natural foe to liberty and shall if necessary spend the whole force of the nation to check and nullify its pretensions and its power. We are glad, now that we see the facts with no avail of false pretense about them, to fight thus for the ultimate peace of the world and for the liberation of its peoples, the German peoples included; for the rights of nations great and small and the privilege of men everywhere to choose their way of life and of obedience. The world must be made safe for democracy. Its peace must be planted upon the tested foundations of political liberty. We have no selfish ends to serve. We desire no conquest, no dominion. We seek no indemnities for ourselves; no material compensation for the sacrifices we shall freely make. We are but one of the champions of the rights of mankind. We shall be satisfied when those rights have been made as secure as the faith and the freedom of nations can make them. And you will see the feeling towards Russia with which America has entered the great war in another clause of the same address. President Wilson further said: Does not every American feel that assurance has been added to our hope for the future peace of the world by the wonderful and heartening things that have been happening within the last few weeks in Russia? Russia was known by those who knew it best to have been always in fact democratic at heart, in all the vital habits of her thought, in all the intimate relationships of her people that spoke their natural instinct, their habitual attitude 20856-31-13 towards life. The autocracy that crowned the summit of her political structure, long as it had stood and terrible as was the reality of its power, was not in fact Russian in origin, character, or purpose; and now it has been shaken off and the great, generous Russian people have been added in all their naive majesty and might to the forces that are fighting for freedom in the world, for justice, and for peace. Here is a fit partner for a league of honor. That partnership of honor in the great struggle for human freedom the oldest of the great democracies now seeks in fraternal union with the youngest. The practical and specific methods and possibilities of our allied cooperation the members of the mission would be glad to discuss with the members of the Government of Russia. Root File No. 763.72/5425 The Ambassador on Special Mission to Russia (Root) to the Secre tary of State [Telegram] PETROGRAD, June 17, 1917, 8 p. m. [Received June 20, 21, and 24.1] 8. Party all well. Mission received Friday evening by Premier and Council of Ministers composing entire Provisional Government. Mission introduced by Ambassador Francis; address by mission to Government made by Ambassador Root; reply in behalf of Government made by Tereshchenko, Minister for Foreign Affairs. Address and reply will be cabled. Conversations with heads of separate departments regarding needs have begun. Arrangements made under which General Scott of military staff is about to visit General Staff and front and Admiral Glennon of naval staff to visit Black Sea and Baltic Fleets and Archangel. We were met at Harbin by a delegation from the Chinese Foreign Office, charged to accompany us to the Manchurian frontier, as a mark of courtesy. They brought pressing [invitation from] Wu Ting-fang, Minister for Foreign Affairs and acting Prime Minister, to visit Peking on our return. The Rumanian Minister has presented urgent invitation that we visit [Rumania]. If, as seems probable, the mission visits Kiev and Odessa, a visit to Rumania would require only a slight detour and you may think it worth while. They are suffering under great misfortune and need encouragement and help. They have probably about 250,000 effectives. Thomas, French Minister of Munitions, has been to Jassy and makes a good report of their military condition. It may be important to keep up that end of the Russian line and for the United States to know what is necessary for that purpose. 'In three sections. We shall probably finish here in from ten days to two weeks more. Important, therefore, that question of visiting Japan, which we talked about in Washington, and these invitations from China and Rumania be decided speedily. As to China and Rumania we will reply here when advised of your wishes. If we are to visit Japan of course original communication between Foreign Offices will be necessary. Conditions here critical. General St. Petersburg opinion very pessimistic; industrial and financial conditions bad; Provisional Government seems secure; no visible agitation against it at present. Government very confident of pulling the country through. Fundamental military trouble is: soldiers have interpreted new freedom as meaning that every man could do as he pleased to refuse spoken orders from anyone. Accordingly authority of officers has been repudiated and military discipline has practically failed. The soldiers do not understand at all the importance to their country of maintaining the war and all along the line have simply been unwilling to fight. [Demoralization] has been aided by a tremendous German propaganda through fraternization of troops at the front and thousands of German agents throughout the country who swarmed across the border immediately after the revolution. They are aided by the extreme socialists who are for peace at any price and very active. Still there are some evidences of returning disci pline. Some organizations have declared in favor of fighting and strong effort is proceeding quietly to induce troops to obey an order to advance. Minister of War has issued order warning deserters to return under penalty of loss of right to vote and participate in the distribution of land. We think the people of Russia, particularly the soldiers, are going to decide whether Russia stays in the war and we have got to get at them in some way. Communications to the Government do not reach the real difficulty. The mission is taking steps for the immediate distribution of information which will cost about $100,000. Please call Secretary McAdoo's attention to conversation with Mr. Bertron and me before we left Washington. On this subject it will not belittle us to draw immediately $100,000. We all agree that the business of disseminating information should be taken up on a much larger scale. At least $5,000,000 could be expended to the greatest advantage in this way. That would be less than the cost of maintaining five American regiments. and the chance of keeping 5,000,000 Russians in the field against Germany is worth many times five regiments. It will mean a supply of newspapers, printing and distribution of posters, leaflets and pamphlets, employment of numerous lecturers and moving pictures to go about the front. This work to be done with the approval of Russian Government and not to be conducted in the name of the United States. We particularly recommend the establishment upon |