therefore the problems ignored by the Imperial Government now confront the new. The variance of opinion among the different parties will make the discussion of these large problems very complicated and bitter. It must not be taken for granted that the following questions are settled: distribution, government, imperial and private land, relations to Finland and other contiguous territory, national autonomy within Russia, the centralized (bureaucratic) system of administration, the internal organization of church and its relation to the government, and the racial relations between the Hebrew population and the Russian peasant and artisan classes. If these matters are not handled expeditiously and tactfully by the Temporary Government, there is danger that the people will take the matter into their own hands locally and sporadically. I have [etc.] File No. 861.00/340 NORTH WINSHIP The Ambassador in Russia (Francis) to the Secretary of State [Telegram] PETROGRAD, May 1, 1917, 11 p. m. 1241. An immense crowd of enthusiastic Russians have just left Embassy where they came to extend salutation from free Russia to free America and at their earnest and repeated request, I am now expressing their greetings to their brother freemen in the United States. Speeches were made by several in the crowd and I made response thereto. All of the speakers declared that Russia would not think of making separate peace and they wished to hear no more from America about it. They request that a wreath be laid on the grave of Washington and that their best wishes for long life and happiness be conveyed to President Wilson. FRANCIS Reorganization of the Government-Demonstration against the Note of May 3, 1917, to the Allied and American Governments-Resignation of Milyukov and Guchkov-The Coalition Ministry-Opinions of American Consuls on the Situation File No. 763.72/4389 The Russian Chargé (Onou) to the Secretary of State No. 343 [Translation] WASHINGTON, May 3, 1917.11 MR. SECRETARY OF STATE: The Provisional Russian Government, on March 27 [old style/April 9, new style], published a manifesto to the citizens in which it set forth the views of free Russia's Government on the aims of the present war. The Minister of Foreign Affairs directs me to communicate to you the said document and to accompany it with the following remarks: Our enemies have lately been endeavoring to sow dissension among the Allies by propagating inane reports about the alleged intention of Russia to conclude a separate peace with the Central Monarchies. The text of the enclosed document will best refute such fabrications. The general principles therein enunciated by the Provisional Government are in entire agreement with the lofty ideas that have constantly been proclaimed to the most recent hour by eminent statesmen in the Allied countries. Those principles have also been given luminous expression in the words of the President of our latest ally, the great Republic beyond the seas. The government of the old régime in Russia assuredly was not in a position to imbibe and share those views on the liberating character of the war, the creation of a stable basis for the pacific cooperation of the peoples, the liberties of oppressed nations, etc. Emancipated Russia can now speak a language that will be understood by modern democracies and hastens to mingle her voice with those of her allies. Imbued with this new spirit of a freed democracy, the Provisional Government's declarations cannot of course afford the slightest ground for the deduction that the collapse of the old edifice means a lesser share taken by Russia in the common struggle of all the Allies. Quite to the contrary, the national will to carry on the world war to a decisive victory has been still further accentuated by that sense of responsi bility which now rests upon all jointly and severally. This tendency has been rendered even more active by the fact that it is centered on the immediate task which all have so much at heart-that of driving 1The date on which this note was sent out by the Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs, for communication to the American and Allied Governments, was May 1, and it is generally referred to as of that date in historical accounts and in the discussion which followed in Russia; see despatch from the Consul in Petrograd, No. 300, May 8, post, p. 42. back the enemy who invaded the territory of our fatherland. It remains understood, and the enclosed document expressly so states, that the Provisional Government, while safeguarding the rights acquired by its country, will continue the strict observance of the engagements assumed toward Russia's allies. Firmly convinced of the victorious outcome of the present war, and in perfect accord with its allies, the Provisional Government is equally sure that the problems arising out of this war will be solved by means of the creation of a firm basis of a lasting peace and that, inspired by identical sentiments, the Allied democracies will find means of obtaining the guarantees and sanctions needed to prevent a recurrence of sanguinary conflicts in the future. Be pleased to accept [etc.] [Enclosure-Translation] C. ONOU Declaration of the Russian Provisional Government, March 27/April 9, 1917 The Provisional Government, having looked into the military situation of Russia, has decided in the name of its duty to the country to give the people straightforwardly the whole truth. The power that has now been overthrown left the defense of the country in a difficult and disorganized situation. Through its guilty inaction and unskilful measures it disorganized our finances, supply service, transportation, and the furnishing of the army with ammunition. It has shaken our whole economic organization. The Provisional Government, with the lively and active cooperation of the whole people, will devote its entire strength to repairing those weighty consequences of the old régime. There is, however, but little time. The blood of many sons of the fatherland has been lavishly spilt in the course of these two and one-half long years of war, yet the country is still under the power of the mighty enemy who occupies whole territories of our state and in these present days of the birth of Russian freedom, threatens us with another decisive onslaught. The defense, at any cost, of our national patrimony and the liberation of the country from the enemy who has invaded our borderlands constitute a capital and vital problem for our warriors who are defending the freedom of the people. Leaving it to the will of the people, in close union with our allies, finally to settle all questions relative to the World War and its conclusion, the Provisional Government deems it its right and duty to declare here and now that free Russia does not aim to dominate other peoples and deprive them of their national patrimony, to occupy foreign territories by force, but to establish a firm peace on the foundation of the right of peoples to determine their own destiny. The Russian people do not covet any accession of power abroad at the expense of other peoples, do not aim to subjugate or degrade any one. In the name of the higher principles of equity it has removed the shackles that weighted down the Polish people. But the Russian people do not admit that their country should come out of the great struggle debased or shaken in its vital forces. These principles will form the basis of the foreign policy of the Provisional Government, which unfailingly carries out the will of the people and safeguards the rights of our country, while abiding by the pledges given to our allies. The Provisional Government of free Russia has no right to hide the truth from the people the state is in danger. Every element of strength must be brought into play to save it. Let the country respond to that truth-not with a futile 20856-31- -8 depression and discouragement, but with a unanimous élan arising out of the creation of a unified national will. It will give us renewed strength for this struggle and will secure our salvation. May the whole country, in the trying hour of ordeal, find within itself the needed strength to consolidate the freedom that has been conquered and devote itself to untiring labor for the welfare of free Russia! The Provisional Government, which has taken a solemn oath to serve the people, is firmly convinced that with the general and unanimous support of each and every one it will be in a position to fulfil its duty to the country to the very end. PRINCE LVOV President of the Council File No. 861.00/343 The Ambassador in Russia (Francis) to the Secretary of State [Telegram] PETROGRAD, May 4, 1917, 3 p. m. 1248. New Government passing through trying ordeal caused by opposition of Workmen's and Soldiers' Deputies being dissatisfied with Minister for Foreign Affairs' note of May 3 communicated to Allied powers through Russian representatives and explaining or amplifying note of April 10[9] on ends of war. Crowds and one or two organized regiments marched streets yesterday afternoon and evening with banners calling for Milyukov's resignation and few banners demanding peace. I conferred with Minister for Foreign Affairs and Minister of War jointly 6.30 afternoon; told them unless gave better evidence of established Government must ask my Government to make specific demands before furnishing credit or supplies; that if present Government resigned or failed to assert itself would [advise] my Government to withhold all support as another revolution would result in German successes in Russia and reestablishment of monarchical government. Both assured me had no intention of resigning and that workingmen did not so desire as they knew it would mean withdrawal of our support and perhaps that of all Allies but that workingmen desired to control policy of present Government. I told them they could not so afford as such course would lose them respect of Russian people and of all their Allies as well as their own self-respect. At 10 p. m., during conference between workingmen's committee and Council of Ministers, there was demonstration around building unfriendly to Government officers but later friends of Government congregated in such numbers as to overwhelm opponents. Atmosphere seems clearer to-day. This opposition is by Lenin and his followers who I think are inspired and possibly paid by Germany. Shall cable further developments. No bloodshed. FRANCIS File No. 861.00/349a The Acting Secretary of State to the Ambassador in Russia (Francis) [Telegram] WASHINGTON, May 5, 1917, 6 p. m. 1382. Instruct all American consuls Russia to report confidentially on political situation their districts, strength and position Zemstvo organizations, movement for readjustment land ownership, peace propaganda if any, etc. POLK File No. 861.00/350 The Ambassador in Russia (Francis) to the Secretary of State [Telegram] PETROGRAD, May 5, 1917, 7 p. m. 1253. Continuing my 1248, May 4. Street demonstrations continued but eventuated in overwhelming demonstration for Ministry. Every banner favoring Lenin was destroyed when seen, evidently by action majority of citizens here [supporting] Ministry which has no opposition elsewhere in Russia. Minister for Foreign Affairs who lunched with me to-day is much elated over situation. Ministry issued another note yesterday explaining note of May 3 which explanation merely reiterates previous but has appeased workmen's committee. Will Department reply to Minister for Foreign Affairs' note May 3 reiterating Provisional Government's statement of April 10 [9] giving ends of war which communicated through Russian Embassy there or shall I reply and if so have you any suggestions in that connection? FRANCIS [In a telegram from the Secretary of State to the Ambassador in Russia (No. 1385, May 7, 1917) there was transmitted a message from the American Federation of Labor to the Executive Committee of the Council of Workmen's and Soldiers' Deputies, arguing for an interpretation of the peace formula, "no annexations, no indemnities," in the sense of "no forcible annexations, but that every people must be free to choose any allegiance it desires," and no "punitive and improper indemnities," and warning against "international " conferences as instigated by the Kaiser. Any intent on the part of the United States to influence the form of government which Russia shall eventually adopt is disclaimed. See Foreign Relations, 1917, Supplement 2, Volume I.] |