SESS. 50, and is not to be made in p on in the course of 1850 ator objects further that this to pay $8,333,333 at three an the usual rate of interest scaling of the debts, so that ollar for dollar, and is therethe same ground that Texas rant this to be true, still I Es deeply than Texas. Secdiating between the proper who can complain? Not othing from her, and do not hich she has a claim. Not assent. er objects that Texas will ck for the $5,000,000, and I reply that Texas has alact of January 31, 1852, of this same $5,000,000 is editors, and shall be paid to worst, Texas will not come Will Texas come back for 639 75? She must produce itors for it. They will have na just consideration paid, the United States, and after time to obtain releases, and he exacted what the credially nor equitably bound to Virginia objects further that Debt of Texan Republic-Mr. Seward. the $8,333,333, at three per cent., will cost the Treasury more than five millions at five per cent. It will cost exactly $3,333,333 more. But that is no good objection, if, first, it is necessary to pay that sum to discharge these debts; and if, secondly, it is just, both of which points have been demonstrated. The Senator at last falls back on his original ground, that the United States are not liable for the debt of Texas, according to the law of nature or of nations. It is quite too late to raise the question after the act of annexation of 1845, and the compromise of 1850. Nevertheless, I will briefly consider the Senator's argument. The United States derived advantages from the annexation of Texas, and creditors had aided Texas to rise to the condition in which her union was thus advantageous. They did not give her a dowry, but they enabled her to assume her own. The union of Texas with the United States and division of her revenues were a division of her sovereignty, rendering her less fully and exclusively approachable by creditors. Was there not in these circumstances sufficient consideration to sustain the agreements between Texas and the United States for the benefit of the creditors? Bynkershock teaches us so, (p. 191.) Again: Texas by annexation became subject to the debts of the United States. How is it, then, that the United States could acquire Texas without coming under some moral obligation to guaranty the debts of Texas? SENATE. It remains only to notice the argument of the honorable Senator from Texas, [Mr. HOUSTON,] which seems to result in this: that Texas had a right to ascertain and fix the amount of her liabilities, and she has fixed it at $3,355,360 25, and the United States and the creditors are concluded by that decision. I reply, that was not the agreement in the compromise. It was that the creditors should release their claims. If they will release for the $3,355,360 25 it is enough. But they have not released for that sum, and they will not. Then the Senator insists that Texas is just and they unreasonable. I do not think so. The principle assumed by Texas is that she owes her creditors not what she agreed to pay, but the value of what she received from them. It needs only that this proposition should be stated to secure its rejection. It can be no more put in the case of Texas in regard to these debts than in any other case of public and even private indebtedness. The argument, however, is attempted to be sustained by precedents. I reply, if sound, it needs no aid from precedents. If unsound, then no precedents can make it sound. There is only one ground on which a Government can justly scale its debts-that is the ground of absolute inability or bankruptcy, and then there must be a devotion of all its wealth. Neither Texas nor the United States can adopt that ground. Each of the parties is prosperous, each is rich, and they can neither assume the condition nor interpose the plea of insolvency. -No. 16. 3 32D CONG..... IN In pursuance of th dent of the United S States assembled in o'clock, m. After prayer by th Mr. CASS rose an to ask the Senators t NEW Mr.BADGER. I Hon. C. G. ATHI Hon. JUDAH P. B Hon. JOHN M. C Hon. STEPHEN A Hon. JOSIAH J. Hon. EDWARD I Hon. SAM Hors Hon. ROBERT M Hon. GEORGE W Hon. WILLIAM Hon. JOHN B. T Each of these gent came forward, and t stitution having bee Hon. Lewis Cass, PRESIDEN Mr. SHIELDS. Resolved, That the H INAUGURA SENATE SPECIAL SESSION. feat D SESS. SENATE. March 4, 1853. Special Session-President's Inaugural Address. e proclamation of the Presites, the Senate of the United he Senate Chamber at twelve eRev. C. M. BUTLER, -d: eastern lobby, and Senators retained their own At half-past one o'clock, the President elect entered the Senate Chamber, leaning on the arm of the Hon. JESSE D. BRIGHT, chairman of the Committee of Arrangements. They were followed submit this resolution, which by the Hon. THOMAS G. PRATT, and the Hon. by the outgoing President, who was supported HANNIBAL HAMLIN, members of the Committee of Arrangments. MILLARD P. FILLMORE, Esq., Private Secretary of the retiring President, succeeded, accompanied by SIDNEY WEBSTER, Esq., the Private Secretary of the President elect. They were conducted to seats in front of the President's chair. ch prescribed by the Constitution ew members of the Senate by the Idest member of the Senate. s considered by unanimous I move that the roll of new ed. greed to. the list, as follows: T. HUNTER, of Virginia. SEBASTIAN, of Arkansas. n. DAVID R. ATCHISON continue the Senate. unanimously adopted. , on taking the chair, adfollows: it me to return my sincere that you have again conferred dence of your kind personal so for your confidence in my ality. CION CEREMONIES. T. The Sergeant-at-Arms will e and Associate Justices of in their robes, were accomon the right and left of the rs of the Senate. The diploofficial costume, occupied the r, on the left of the principal et of the outgoing President, others entitled to admission, the right. To ex-members Amongst the other gentlemen who accompanied The preparations being complete, those assem- The Members of the Senate. Heads of Departments, Governors of States and After the oath of office had been administered INAUGURAL ADDRESS: MY COUNTRYMEN: It is a relief to feel that no heart but my own can know the personal regret and bitter sorrow over which I have been borne to a position so suitable for others rather than desirable for myself. SENATE. four years ago the Father of his Country made sion on both sides of the ocean. Less than sixtythe then "recent accession of the important State of North Carolina to the Constitution of the United States" one of the subjects of his special conthe agitation consequent upon the revolutionary gratulation. At that moment, however, when struggle had hardly subsided, when we were just emerging from the weakness and embarrassments wisely and bravely fulfilled by our fathers. It was of the Confederation, there was an evident consciousness of vigor, equal to the great mission so springing from a clear view of the sources of power not a presumptuous assurance, but a calm faith, paradox to say, that although comparatively weak, in a Government constituted like ours. It is no the new-born nation was intrinsically strong. Inconsiderable in population and apparent resources, hension of rights, and an all-pervading purpose it was upheld by a broad and intelligent compreto maintain them, stronger than armaments. It came from the furnace of the Revolution, tempered to the necessities of the times. The thoughts of the men of that day were as practical as their sentiments were patriotic. They wasted no portion of their energies upon idle and delusive speculations, but with a firm and fearless step advanced beyond the governmental landmarks which had hitherto circumscribed the limits of human freedom, and planted their standard where it has stood against dangers which have threatened from abroad, and internal agitation which has at times fearfully menaced at home. They approved themselves equal to the solution of the great problem, to understand which their minds had been illuminated by the dawning lights of the Revolution. The object sought was not a thing dreamed of: only the power to achieve, but what all history it was a thing realized. They had exhibited not affirms to be so much more unusual, the capacity to maintain. The oppressed throughout the world, from that day to the present, have turned their eyes hitherward, not to find those lights extinguished, or to fear lest they should wane, but to be constantly cheered by their steady and increasing radiance. In this, our country has, in my judgment, thus far fulfilled its highest duty to suffering humanity. It has spoken, and will continue to speak, not only by its words, but by its acts, the language of sympathy, encouragement, and hope to those who earnestly listen to tones which pronounce for the largest rational liberty. But, after all, the most animating encouragement and potent appeal its triumphs. Preeminently the power of our adfor freedom will be its own history, its trials, and vocacy reposes in our example; but no example, good, whatever apparent advantages may be gained, be it remembered, can be powerful for lasting and justice. Our fathers decided for themselves, which is not based upon eternal principles of right both upon the hour to declare and the hour to strike. They were their own judges of the circumstances under which it became them to pledge to each other "their lives, their fortunes, and their sacred honor," for the acquisition of the priceless inheritance transmitted to us. The energy with which that great conflict was opened, and, under the guidance of a manifest and beneficent ProviWhether the elements of inherent force in the dence, the uncomplaining endurance with which it was prosecuted to its consummation, were only Republic have kept pace with its unparalleled pro-surpassed by the wisdom and patriotic spirit of called, for a limited period, to preside over the cression in Special Session-President's Inaugural Address. idences of that preferment, or title to secure for him place, it will that the actual be his privilege, and must be his acknowledged elled a degree of right, to stand unabashed, even in the presence of disturbed bold princes, with a proud consciousness that he is The apprehen- himself one of a nation of sovereigns, and that he erritory, multi- || cannot, in legitimate pursuit, wander so far from and augmented home that the agent whom he shall leave behind in founded. The the place I now occupy, will not see that no rude me nearly three- hand of power or tyrannical passion is laid upon densely popula-him with impunity. He must realize that upon f the two great e of people and self compatible e States and the pective constitudan additional grity of both. stive and cheertion will not be ngs of evil from e disguised that position on the tain possessions ently important future, essential of commerce and hey be obtained, pirit, but with a nd security, and ith the strictest have nothing in aggression; we he cultivation of ith all nations. and pacific, will duct of our foradministration record, and trust hat no act within itutional control y portion of our ready justificalized world. An every sea, and on every soil, where our enterprise may rightfully seek the protection of our flag, American citizenship is an inviolable panoply for the security of American rights. And, in this connection, it can hardly be necessary to reaffirm a principle which should now be regarded as fundamental. The rights, security, and repose of this Confederacy reject the idea of interference or colonization, on this side of the ocean, by any foreign Power, beyond present jurisdiction, as utterly inadmissible. hy of confidence ld it cease to be at no apparent price so dear as r. It is not your of a distant past. ory, replete with dant grounds for in a period comis limited, your ions throng the ment, and will be sound and com e not less the dis nt. uit, as a people, and are entirely d interests of the -hboring nations tivate kindly and re nothing in rethem consolidate ths of prosperity of their growth, trade, and create intercourse, the mutual. Of the f national policy ent. From their s, we have been, E. Whilst these gave them existurisdiction, they y appeal to our an freedom and vast interests of mankind, and the onal intercourse ld for the moral honestly carried and shall, under pt reciprocity. a nation are not which pertain to apacity, at home maintained. So In its place upon urchase for him The opportunities of observation, furnished by my brief experience as a soldier, confirmed in my own mind the opinion, entertained and acted upon by others from the formation of the Government, that the maintenance of large standing armies in our country would be not only dangerous, but unnecessary. They also illustrated the importance, I might well say the absolute necessity, of the military science and practical skill furnished, in such an eminent degree, by the institution which has made your Army what it is, under the discipline and instruction of officers not more distinguished for their solid attainments, gallantry, and devotion to the public service, than for unobtrusive bearing and high moral tone. The Army, as organized, must be the nucleus around which, in every time of need, the strength of your military power, the sure bulwark of your defense-a national militia-may be readily formed into a well disciplined and efficient organization. And the skill and self-devotion of the Navy assure you that you may take the performance of the past as a pledge for the future, and may confidently expect that the flag which has waved its untarnished folds over every sea, will still float in undiminished honor. But these, like many other subjects, will be appropriately brought, at a future time, to the attention of the coödinate branches of the Government, to which I shall always look with profound respect, and with trustful confidence that they will accord to me the aid and support which I shall so much need, and which their experience and wisdom will readily suggest. In the administration of domestic affairs you expect a devoted integrity in the public service, and an observance of rigid economy in all departments, so marked as never justly to be questioned. If this reasonable expectation be not realized, I frankly confess that one of your leading hopes is doomed to disappointment, and that my efforts, in a very important particular, must result in a humiliating failure. Offices can be properly regarded only in the light of aids for the accomplishment of these objects; and as occupancy can confer no prerogative, nor importunate desire for preferment any claim, the public interest imperatively demands that they be considered with sole reference to the duties to be performed. Good citizens may well claim the protection of good laws and the benign influence of good government; but a claim for office is what the people of a Republic should never recognize. No reasonable man of any party will expect the Administration to be so regardless of its responsibility, and of the obvious elements of success, as to retain persons, known to be under the influence of political hostility and partisan prejudice, in positions which will require not only severe labor, but cordial coöperation. Having no implied engagements to ratify, no rewards to bestow, no resentments to remember, and no personal wishes to consult, in selections for official station, I shall fulfill this difficult and delicate trust, admitting no motive as worthy either of my character or position which does not contemplate an efficient discharge of duty and the best interests of my country. I acknowledge my obligations to the masses of my countrymen, and to them alone. Higher objects than personal aggrandizement gave direction and energy to their exertions in the late canvass, and they shall not be disappointed. They require at my hands diligence, integrity, and ca SENATE. pacity, wherever there are duties to be performed. Without these qualities in their public servants, more stringent laws for the prevention or punishment of fraud, negligence, and peculation will be vain. With them, they will be unnecessary. But these are not the only points to which you look for vigilant watchfulness. The dangers of a concentration of all power in the General Government of a Confederacy so vast as ours, are too obvious to be disregarded. You have a right, therefore, to expect your agents, in every Department, to regard strictly the limits imposed upon them by the Constitution of the United States. The great scheme of our constitutional liberty rests upon a proper distribution of power between the State and Federal authorities; and experience has shown that the harmony and happiness of our people must depend upon a just discrimination between the separate rights and responsibilities of the States and your common rights and obligations under the General Government. And here, in my opinion, are the considerations which should form the true basis of future concord, in regard to the questions which have most seriously disturbed public tranquillity. If the Federal Government will confine itself to the exercise of powers clearly granted by the Constitution, it can hardly happen that its action upon any question should endanger the institutions of the States, or interfere with their right to manage matters strictly domestic according to the will of their own people. In expressing briefly my views upon an important subject which has recently agitated the nation to almost a fearful degree, I am moved by no other impulse than a most earnest desire for the perpetuation of that Union which has made us what we are, showering upon us blessings, and conferring a power and influence which our fathers could hardly have anticipated, even with their most sanguine hopes directed to a far-off future. The sentiments I now announce were not unknown before the expression of the voice which called me here. My own position upon this subject was clear and unequivocal, upon the record of my words and my acts; and it is only recurred to at this time because silence might perhaps be misconstrued. With the Union my best and dearest earthly hopes are entwined. Without it, what are we, individually or collectively? What becomes of the noblest field ever opened for the advancement of our race, in religion, in government, in the arts, and in all that dignifies and adorns mankind? From that radiant constellation, which both illumes our own way and points out to struggling nations their course, let but a single star be lost, and, if there be not utter darkness, the luster of the whole is dimmed. Do my countrymen need any assurance that such a catastrophe is not to overtake them while I possess the power to stay it? 32D CONG..... I legal and constitutio enforce them should with a reluctance en s to their propriety bat cheerfully, and the tribunal to whi Such have been and them I shall act. Don is at rest, and th or fanatical exciten durability of our ins of our prosperity. But let not the fou man's wisdom. It onal prejudices find erations. It will n counsels of human be felt that there is n nation's humble, ack God and his overruli We have been car eas crisis. Wise co is the Constitution, the period be remem not as an encourage Union, to make exp of Washington, with The President hav 'THE INAUGURATIO number of persons from previous occasion of whatever. Possibly t been increased within so that all our hotels, t entertainment, not to hospitalities, have be contrivance that ingen could devise has been lishments, to render the all the comfort possibl within moderate distal after the conclusion of rate vehicles, still the fally occupied. At an early hour this sounded in various part and prepare the people country adjacent poure the compass, by carria there must have been fo eighty thousand person the forenoon, Pennsylv -expectant spectators tas on the sidewalks manding the line of pleasant: a raw northe nuous, though fast me As per programme, and other places (eight ground in front of the C under the command of ng the volunteer regi The other constituent upon the same ground becce down Louisian the President elect from Capitol Arrived at t by an open barouche, dent elect, the Hons. a, of the Committee g surrounded by the and bis Aids, and foll men's associations. By prior arrangeme pe as much as possil the inauguration, the closed to carriages. Biale corps were ad evered way to the n ng (pedestrian) port It is with me an earnest and vital belief, that as the Union has been the source, under Providence, of our prosperity to this time, so it is the surest pledge of the continuance of the blessings we have enjoyed, and which we are sacredly bound to transmit undiminished to our children. The field of calm and free discussion in our country is open, and will always be so, but it never has been and never can be traversed for good in a spirit of sectionalism and uncharitableness. The founders of the Republic dealt with things as they were presented to them, in a spirit of self-sacrificing patriotism, and, as time has proved, with a comprehensive wisdom which it will always be safe for us to consult. Every measure tending to strengthen the fraternal feelings of all the members of our Union has had my heartfelt approbation. To every theory of society or government, whether the offspring of feverish ambition or of morbid enthusiasm, calculated to dissolve the bonds of law and affection which unite us, I shall interpose a ready and stern resistance. I believe that involuntary servitude, as it exists in different States of this Confederacy, is recognized by the Constitution. I believe that it stands like any other admitted right, and that the States where it exists are entitled to efficient remedies to enforce the constitutional provisions. I hold that the laws of 1850, commonly called the "compromise measures, are strictly constitutional, and to be unhesitatingly carried into effect. I believe that the constituted authorities of this Republic are bound to regard the rights of the South in this respect as they would view any other at large, entered by t The President, Pr rangements, Marsha Chamber, after the thence to the platfo steps leading up to t then stood forward the oath of office, Justice of the Unite livered his Inaugur • SESS. 1 right, and that the laws to e respected and obeyed, not uraged by abstract opinions na different state of society, cording to the decisions of 1 their exposition belongs. e my convictions, and upon rvently hope that the quest no sectional, or ambitious, nt may again threaten the tutions, or obscure the light dation of our hope rest upon ill not be sufficient that secno place in the public delibI be sufficient that the rash assion are rejected. It must o national security but in the nowledged dependence upon ng providence. ied in safety through a perilnsels, like those which gave prevailed to uphold it. Let bered as an admonition, and ement, in any section of the eriments where experiments h fearful hazard. Let it be hearts, that, beautiful as our power or wisdom could ever agments. Standing as I do of the green slopes of Monre, within reach of the tomb h all the cherished memories around me, like so many eloortation from Heaven, I can pe for my country than that which smiled upon our fathchildren to preserve the blessited. ing concluded his address, the s Chamber, and resumed its attracted to the metropolis a greater places more or less remote than any e kind, or indeed any ceremonial e census of our district cities has week upwards of twenty thousand, arding-houses, and places of public ention the great extension of private crowded as never before. Every ity and a spirit of accommodation ut into requisition, in many estabvast and sudden influx of strangers . Though many persons residing ces from the city returned home he ceremonies, by railroad and prilaces of public entertainment are morning drums beat and music res of the city, as it were to arouse for the pageant of the day. The 1 in upon us from every point of ge, horse, and foot, until at length or a time approximating seventy or s within our city limits. During ania avenue was lined with patient either standing at favorable posi, or thronging the windows comrocession. The weather was not asterly wind, wafting a pretty con. lting snow, made its effects felt. the military companies of our own en in number) met on the parade ity Hall, where they were organized Colonel William Hickey, commandnent of the District of Columbia. arts of the procession took position They then, about noon, marched to Pennsylvania avenue, to escort his lodgings (Willard's Hotel) to the e hotel, the procession was joined containing the President and Presiesse D. Bright and Hannibal Hamof Arrangements; the barouche beMarshal of the District of Columbia wed by several Democratic and Fire t, in order to accommodate the peoe in their view of the ceremony of arge gates of the Capitol yard were he Presideht's party and the diploitted by the north side gate, and a th door of the Capitol. The remaina of the procession, with the people northern side gate. Special Session-Committees. HOUR OF MEETING. On the motion of Mr. RUSK, it was ordered that the daily hour of meeting shall be twelve o'clock, m. RECESS. On motion by Mr. WELLER, it was ordered that when the Senate adjourns, it adjourn to meet on Monday next. On motion by Mr. PETTIT, the Senate adjourned. MONDAY, March 7, 1853. Prayer by the Rev. C. M. Butler. The Journal of the proceedings in the special session on Friday last, embracing the proclamation of the President of the United States by which it was convenec, was read. On the motion of Mr. FISH, the Journal was corrected. It was stated that his colleague [Mr. SEWARD] was present on Friday last, whereas he had beer temporarily canca home by indisposition in his family. COMMITTEE TO WAIT ON THE PRESIDENT. Mr. WALKER submitted the following resolution; which was considered by unanimous consent and agreed to: Resolved, That a committee, consisting of two members, be appointed by the President of the Senate to wait on the President of the United States, and inform him that the Senate is assembled, and ready to receive any communications he may be pleased to make. Mr. WALKER and Mr. PHELPS were appointed the committee. CLAYTON-BULWER TREATY. Mr. CLAYTON. I submit the following resolution: Resolved, That the President be respectfully requested, if compatible in his opinion with the public interest, to communicate to the Senate the propositions mentioned in the letter of the Secretary of State accompanying the Executive message to the Senate of the 18th February last, as having been agreed upon by the Department of State, the British Minister, and the State of Costa Rica, on the 30th of April, 185 having for their object the settlement of the territorial controversies between the States and Governments bordering on the river San Juan. Resolved, That the Secretary of State be directed to communicate to the Senate such information as it may be in the power of his Department to furnish, in regard to the conflicting claims of Great Britain and the State of Honduras to the islands of Roatan, Bonacca, Utilla, Barbarat Helene, and Morat, in or near the Bay of Honduras. I desire to say, that whenever that resolution can come before the Senate without interfering with the necessary business of the Senate at this time, it is my purpose to discuss the topics which are suggested by the resolution. I hope to have the opportunity of doing so at an early period. HON. DAVID L. YULEE. Mr. MORTON submitted the following resolution for consideration: Resolved, That there be paid out of the contingent fund of the Senate to the honorable David L. Yulee, a sum equal to the amount of mileage and per diem compensation of a Senator, from the commencement of the first session of the Thirty-second Congress to the 27th of August, 1852, the day on which the Senate decided that the honorable Stephen R. Mallory, whose seat in the Senate was claimed by him, was duly elected a member of the Senate from the State of Florida. REPAIRING OF CAPITOL ROOMS. Mr. JONES, of Iowa, submitted the following resolution for consideration: Resolved, That the Secretary of the Senate pay the amount which may be allowed by the Committee to Audit and Control the Contingent Expenses of the Senate, for the expenses incurred during the last session, in repairing and fitting up for use two rooms in the basement of the Capitol. SENATOR FROM LOUISIANA. Mr. SOULE. I present to the Senate the memorial of several members of the General Assembly of the State of Louisiana, protesting against the action of the Legislature of that State in electing my present colleague [Mr. BENJAMIN] to the seat which he now occupies. The question raised is as to the legality of that election by the Legislature of 1852. The Legislature has this year declined going into a new election, thereby either indorsing the action of the Legislature in 1852, or al formalities there, they proceeded conceding that they had no right to proceed to a new election. Such being the circumstances under ident elect, and Committee of Ar&c., having arrived in the Senate erected for the occasion over the TUESDAY, March 8, 1853. Prayer by the Chaplain, Rev. C. M. BUTLER. Mr. BRIGHT. It is necessary, to carry out the organization of the Executive session, to appoint committees. Each side of the Chamber has conferred and agreed upon the list which the honorable Senator from North Carolina [Mr. BADGER] holds in his hand. It requires unanimous consent to permit him to present that report, and to have it acted upon. The report which he makes will be temporary-for this session only; and at the next session of Congress there will be a reorganization. I move that he have unanimous consent to present that list, and that it be acted upon without proceeding to ballot, as is prescribed by the rules of the Senate. Unanimous consent was given. Mr. BADGER. I believe, since I have been a member of this Senate, this has been the usual custom which has been pursued. This list has necessarily been prepared in great haste, and, as stated by the honorable Senator from Indiana, for the purposes of the present session. The list is as follows. On Foreign Relations.-Mr. Mason, chairman; Messrs. Douglas, Clayton, Norris, and Everett, On Finance.-Mr. Hunter, chairman; Messrs. Bright, Pearce, Gwin, and Badger. On Commerce.-Mr. Hamlin, chairman; Messrs. Soulé, Seward, Dodge of Wisconsin, and Benjamin. On Military Affairs.-Mr. Shields, chairman; Messrs. Borland, Dawson, Fitzpatrick, and Jones of Tennessee. On Naval Affairs. Mr. Gwin, chairman; Messrs. Mallory, Fish, Thomson of New Jersey, and Toombs. On Public Lands.-Mr. Borland, chairman; Messrs. Dodge of Iowa, Pratt, Pettit, and Thompson of Kentucky. On Indian Affairs.-Mr. Sebastian, chairman; Messrs. Walker, Cooper, Rusk, and Smith. On Claims.-Mr. Brodhead, chairman; Messrs. Adams, Pratt, Chase, and Wade. On the Judiciary. - Mr. Butler, chairman; Messrs. Toucey, Geyer, Stuart, and Phelps. On the Post Office and Post Roads.-Mr. Rusk, chairman; Messrs. Soulé, Morton, Hamlin, and Smith. On Roads and Canals.-Mr. Bright, chairman; Messrs. Douglas, Geyer, Adams, and Sumner. On Pensions.-Mr. Jones, of Iowa, chairman; Messrs. Weller, Foot, Evans, and Toombs. On the District of Columbia.-Mr. Shields, chairman; Messrs. Norris, Badger, Mallory, and Cooper. |