rough those dark ches of which the trated since crea granted by Niccan citizens, and sted, and if Cenby a population of Lake Erie into y, I do not know say, that at this els of twenty feet e waters of Lake Pacific. tacles did exist were dissensions of Nicaragua and ence between Nicment, assuming to ito Indians; and entertained-unt jealousies were he United States these great maritaining some exence to the opening munication. , as I understand - part of this Govaware, to remove far as the United concerned; and neither of these parate and exclu Special Session-Clayton-Bulwer Treaty. dom nominis umbra, the shadow of a name. And it is certainly nothing more. There is in an important document which lies on your table, a letter from Mr. Rives to Mr. Clayton, then Secretary of State, giving a report of a conference which he had, by direction of the Department of State, with Lord Palmerston on his way to Paris, in 1849. Lord Palmerston said to Mr. Rives: s negotiated pregoverned every had been taken ates, in reference unication. As I ble; that is, that lusive advantage; ould unite, so far ening this great whole world. not received suffihole matter was I was absolutely iding should take 3 and Great Briot take a grant of gua, because Nicive such a grant. ty over the whole claim was good, t it was good. i I not uncontested. t denied the valid it Power that set cessary that these "From a very early period the Mosquito Indians had been treated by the British Government as a separate and an independent State-they had what was called a king, who, by the by, he added (says Mr. Rives) in a tone of pleasantry, was as much a king as you or I." After this account which the British Minister for Foreign Affairs gives of the Mosquito kingdom and of the Mosquito king, I think it would be wasting the time of the Senate of the United States for me to bestow many words to prove the inanity of the king and kingdom. Nevertheless, it was really an ancient affair. There was something of history in it. It had a pedigree. It ran back two centuries, and Great Britain maintained, apparently in good faith, that in the course of these two centuries she has contracted certain obligations and duties towards these Mosquito Indians, now reduced to a mere handful, and they in the most wretched condition, which she does not feel herself at liberty to disregard. SENATE. a century and a half, the whole commercial world took sides against Spain. We now are inclined to sympathize with her, we think but meanly of this Mosquito protectorate, and we regard the occupation of those islands and these establishments on the main by Great Britain as acts of injustice and violence. But it was not thought so then. The whole commercial world, exclusive of Spain and her allies, sympathized with England, and no part of the world more than the English colonies, now the United States. I have been amused in reading the old colonial journals to see the effusions of the loyal feeling constantly poured out from these colonies, when the public mind was greatly excited in England upon subjects of this kind. On that memorable occasion, which you recollect from the history of those times, when a certain Captain Jenkins was brought upon the floor of Parliament, and exhibited his mutilated ears, and a fragment which had been torn from one of them, and produced such an excitement, that England, against the opinion of the Prime Minister, was thrown into a war with Spain, in the whole compass of the British Empire, there was perhaps nowhere such fervent, loyal zeal exhibited as in these transatlantic colonies. In the war which took place, the fleets and armies of England were recruited in these American colonies. I can tell you, sir, that in the old graveyards of New England, you can still read the epitaphs of men who brought home the diseases of the tropics from Porto Bello and Carthagena. There are men now living, whose great-grandfathers laid down their bones upon the Spanish main. Sir, the name of the home of Washington upon the banks of the Potomac, here in your neighborhood, derived its origin from the enthusiasm felt by Washington's elder brother for one of the unfortunate heroes of those wars, who found upon these pestiferous coasts an enemy against which human courage and strength were of no avail: This Mosquito kingdom in its origin and progress is really a little more important than it might otherwise be thought. It played a very important part in the history of the world. It was a prominent incident in the Spanish colonial system, which for a century and a half gave a character to the politics of the whole civilized world. America having been discovered by the great navigator who sailed under Spanish auspices, Spain possessed herself of the largest and the noblest part of the continent. From California to Cape Horn, with the exception of Brazil, everything fell into her hands. It was not merely the largest and fairest part, but it was the part which contained within itself those tropical treasures, and especially those treasures of silver and gold which have in all times overmastered the imaginations of men. Why, sir, I believe such was the state of things in the seventeenth century, that the whole exportable product of what is now known as the United States, did not exceed one half a million of dollars annually, and that, I need not tell you, was perhaps no more than half the amount contained in one of the treasure ships which were regularly dispatched from Vera Cruz to Cadiz. Spain locked up all this treasure beneath the bolts and bars of her colonial monopoly. She did no more with respect to her colonies than England with respect to hers. It was the ancient colonial system; but the productions of the Spanish colonies were so much more important than those of England, that the whole commercial world sought its revenge by endeavoring to force a contraband trade with the Spanish colonies. This trade was carried on by the wholesale and retail, by private individuals and by armed squadrons, by adventurers in whom the trader, the buccaneer, and the pirate were so much mixed up, that it was hard to say which character prevailed. After Jamaica was conquered, in the time of Cromwell, that island became the basis of these operations. Spain of course sought to defend herself, and she not only instituted a line of guarda costas all along her shores to drive off every vessel that was seen hovering in those waters, as if a pestilence lurked in her sails-for such was the detestable character of this ancient colonial system-but she also undertook to institute a right of search of any merchant vessel which should show itself within a considerable distance of the Spanish coast. Of course this led to infinite collisions. Wars were constantly breaking out; in these wars islands were seized, and establishments were formed upon the main. Roatan and the other Bay Islands were captured by Admiral Vernon in the first half of the last century. When the war ceased, these islands would be surrendered, and the establishments given up, or pretended to be given up. But the peace would prove to be hollow truce, the same system of forcing a contraband trade would recommence, the same right of search would be instituted, war would break out again, and then the same circle of operations be repeated. as Í said, was it objects effected il, 1850. And I nore and no less hough she did set hink it unfoundhe set it up only y use of this pren of the charter he said in effect, e such a charter, ory for the whole er rival claim to contrary, it was onvention of the assent of Great arter which was le gave her own he assent of the e claimed a progiving her own wn consent, and she undertook n with the Unita Rica; so that ghts as the proe availed herself 1 the work. ch Great Britain to exercise over from Delaware sing the famous Mosquito king It is but fair to say that in this long struggle of "You, gallant VERNON, Saw Sir, it was owing to nothing but the yearnings of a fond maternal heart that our beloved Washington himself, for whom a warrant as midshipman in the royal navy had been obtained, did not, a few years later, enlist himself in those disastrous wars, with an equal prospect of sacrificing his life in the support of the system of which this wretched Mosquito protectorate was a part. This was the origin, this the character of this Mosquito claim, carried on in defiance of the power of Spain, as long as the power of Spain existed, and after the Spanish colonies threw off the yoke, carried on in defiance, or with the acquiescence of the coterminous States. Such I understand to have been its origin, such its history, reduced at the present day to very small dimensions, the state of affairs having wholly changed, and the English Government having no longer any interest or any motive in adhering to the protectorate. Such she assures us is the case. Now, in reference to this canal, its southern terminus, the port of San Juan, fell within the limits of the territory which was claimed to be (claimed to be is all I say) under this protectorate. This claim was of course denied by Nicaragua. She had temporarily possessed herself of the port after a long dispute with the British; but in January, 1848, the Nicaraguans were promptly expelled by an English force, and the first thing that was done by the British authority-and I must say, in my opinion, in very bad taste-was to change the ancient euphonious name of San Juan del Norte or San Juan de Nicaragua (I do not care which) into the modern, and to my ear very insipid, appellation of Greytown. I hope the first thing that will be done by the independent authorities of San Juan, if they are independent, will be to change it back again. Let us have again that fine, old, and well-sounding Spanish name. Now, as I said, the convention negotiated by my friend from Delaware, with the approbation of the President, on the 19th of April, 1850, re 32D CONG..... moved a considerabl grew out of the clair were other difficultie Nicaragua were stil fused, in any way, existence of the Mo to renounce her terr the mean time the p instituted, and it wa not pass all the way It was found that would go into the b pisces it would go o and Costa Rica clain came up to the righ how could we get a given upon the princ agnty of Nicaragu foreign capitalists, w ters with the critical riss their capital in a ica, where domestic f order of the day, to give canal which wou over disputed territo to be wrested from t testing Power. It wa further should be do verted questions. Who should do United States and ( over again been invc treaty of the 19th of so often to allude, tl tion, that if any diff States or the Gove canal, or any questi nected with it, the h exert their good off ences, so that while that the work of ad it seemed impossib two friendly Power ingly they felt it th the month, I thi ference was held the Secretary of one side, and the e agua on the oth result. About the into a partial con San Salvador, to s Rica. She had me eignty in this feder power, if she had th this subject. An Accordingly follow was At length ments that a furth tion: that it was alr postponement of al the construction o lutely necessary tha done. Accordingl the Secretary of S acting under the in respectively, came on this subject; a they agreed to the the propositions of were to be offered were only advisor They were recom ers, having no in ather party; rega fnendly eye; and a by which all thes and an effectual i great work. were not a d of a convention two Government After having bee here, they were s the capitals of N were accepted b by Nicaragua. sider what these I shall not ta going into a ver the They to be understoo and without mo SESS. part of the obstacles which o the protectorate; but there remaining. Costa Rica and t variance. Nicaragua rerecognize the independent uito Indians. She refused rial rights to San Juan. In iminary surveys had been ound that the canal would n the left bank of the river. obably in some places it of the river and in other the right bank of the river; d that her rightful boundary bank of the river. Then ng with a charter that was ole of the exclusive sover? It was impossible that › do not enter into these matskill of diplomatists, would country like Central Amerads and border wars are the uild an enormously expenI cost perhaps $100,000,000, 7, where the soil was liable em at any moment by a connecessary that something e to adjust all these controt? Special Session-Clayton-Bulwer Treaty. for the Senate to bestow on the subject; but the main objects were few and simple. The first was this: out of the very large tract of country lying east of Nicaragua covered by the claim of the Mosquito Indians, to retain a moderate reservation for the temporary use of the Mosquito Indians. They were all to be collected here; they were to be withdrawn from every other point which they may have occupied. In the center of the coast of this territory lay the ancient settlement of Bluefields, the foundation of which runs back into the seventeenth century, if I am not mistaken. They were all to be brought together on this reservation, and all the rest of this large territory east and south of it was to be ceded in full sovereignty to Nicaragua. This cession included the much-desired port of San Juan. The great bone of contention, if I may so call it, was to be given up to Nicaragua by these propositions; and in consideration of the large cession of territory, and of getting rid of the disagreeable controversy, it was proposed proposed only, all this was a proposition-that Nicaragua, as a pecuniary indemnity to the Mosquito nation, should pay the net proceeds of an ad valorem duty of ten per cent. upon articles imported into San Juan, for three years. How much that would amount to I cannot undertake to say, but I do not suppose it would amount in the whole to more than fifty or sixty thousand The mediation of the dollars. That was the entire pecuniary considerreat Britain had over and ation which was to be paid for the surrender of ted by both States. In the the sovereignty of San Juan, and for the cession April, 1850, to which I have of the rest of the country lying west and southere was an express stipula-west of the reservation to which I have alluded. rences existed between the nment in reference to the n of right of property con-h contracting parties would es to reconcile those differIt was absolutely necessary stment should be attempted, that anybody else than the could undertake it. Accordduty to undertake it, and in|| it was, of July, 1851, a con-e, in Washington, between and the British Minister on ys of Costa Rica and Nicarbut without any favorable ime Nicaragua had entered eracy with Honduras and ngthen herself against Costa d her separate political soveron. She had no longer the esire, to treat separately upon erval of eight or ten months ought by the two Governdelay was out of the quesHy amounting to an indefinite ergetic proceedings towards che canal; and it was absoomething decisive should be in the month of April, 1852, e and the British Minister, actions of their Governments gether and held conferences , after mature deliberation, ropositions commonly called e 30th of April, 1852, which he two Governments. They They could be nothing else. dations of two friendly Powest at variance with that of ng them both with the most ously seeking the best method ficulties could be reconciled, lse given to the execution of ey were only propositions. ention. They were the basis was to be submitted to the Nicaragua and Costa Rica. anged with great deliberation by separate commissioners to agua and Costa Rica. They osta Rica: they were rejected sir, let us for a moment conpositions were. p the time of the Senate by eat detail. It would be hard This was not all. The reservation itself was not intended to be perpetual. On the contrary, it was expressly provided, in a separate article, that the terms of the settlement should not preclude Nicaragua from making any private agreement she might please with the Mosquito Indians for what we should call the extinguishment of their title. She was to be at liberty at any time to make a private arrangement with the Mosquito Indians for the final extinguishment of the title, and consequently the absorption of the reservation into the Nicaraguan State-the Indians to be incorporated with the citizens of that State, of course; which would be no hardship, because by far the largest part of the population of Nicaragua is composed of the native race and their descendants. SENATE. So it was on the coast of the Pacific. There we claimed up to 54° 40'. The British said, on the other hand, that the line ought to follow the Columbia river down to the Pacific. The two countries were brought almost to the point of collision on this question, but at last it was thought on all sides that the only practicable and honorable mode of settling the question was to adopt a middle term, and take the line of the forty-ninth degree of latitude-which was the boundary east of the Rocky Mountains as the line of demarkation to the sea. If great Powers like England and the United States, the leading Powers of the commercial and maritime world, find it necessary to settle their border controversies by these mutual sacrifices, can Nicaragua, can Costa Rica expect to adjust theirs on any better principle? However, as I said, the terms of the settlement proposed were accepted by Costa Rica, but Nicaragua did not think it expedient for her to adopt them. While these matters were passing, a very singular event occurred in San Juan, of which I believe I can best give an account to the Senate by reading an extract from a dispatch of our consular agent, Mr. Boone, who arrived at San Juan on the 3d of June last. He writes the following, under date of the 5th of June, 1852: "I find the government of the place in the hands of a corporation, or organization, formed principally of American citizens. It consists of a mayor and a city council. They have a constitution which recognizes the trial by jury, and is altogether formed, as far as it goes, upon liberal principles They have a well organized police, judges and aldermen, all elected annually by the people. There is likewise a captain of the port and a health officer. All articles of commerce are admitted free of duty."* "In March last, Mr. Green, the British consul and agent of the Mosquito king, president of the then council at Greytown, upon the request being made by some of the principal inhabitants, issued a proclamation or order for a convention of the people of the town to meet and frame a new constitution. The convention was held and the present constitution was adopted, under which all the before-mentioned officers have been elected." Now, this Government is carried on under the name of the Mosquito king; and Mr. Boone represents that there is a decided preponderance of the British influence in the Government. The officers, by the way, I am informed, are all American; but I doubt not that Mr. Boone correctly states the fact that they are decidedly under British influence. I suppose this is pretty natural, considering the previous history of affairs there; because this small municipality naturally relies upon the name of the Mosquito protectorate as a security for the present against the invasion of the State of Nicaragua, until they shall be sufficiently strong to protect themselves. With respect to the manner in which affairs are managed by this new municipal government I would speak with some reserve. I do not like at this distance to give a decided opinion founded upon ex parte information; but I must say that this new government, though founded on a principle with which, in the United States, we must have all our sympathies enlisted-that of popular election-would seem to be carrying on their affairs very badly. They have lately, by an act of violence for which no doubt some provocation was given, gone across the river and pulled down the buildings of the transit company; and I have also received information of some transactions towards certain French settlers established there, which, if they are truly represented, will involve the municipal authorities of this new corporation in a heavy responsibility to the French empire. As I said before, these may be unfounded reports, and it would be wrong to form a decided opinion upon ex parte information. I hope, as the new constitution is organized upon popular principle, that it will by a wise administration do credit to such an origin. These were the propositions as far as concerns the Mosquito protectorate and San Juan, and all that part of the controversy. Nicaragua being so highly favored on that side, it was thought no more than reasonable that Costa Rica, the other party, should be somewhat favored on her side, not however by giving her all that was asked, because she claimed to go up the San Juan river through its whole extent from the lake to the ocean. That was not admitted in the propositions. She also claimed that she had an equal right with Nicaragua in the port of San Juan. That could not be admitted, because the exclusive sovereignty was proposed to be given to Nicaragua; but it was proposed that Costa Rica should go to the Colorado, a branch that strikes off from the San Juan to the right, and, giving the large delta between the Colorado and the San Juan to Nicaragua, that Costa Rica should follow up the right bank of the Colorado, then the right bank of the San Juan to the lake, and then that the southern shore of the lake should be the boundary, with the privilege of navigating the lake; and then the river La Flor to the Pacific. I admit that this was a favorable boundary to Costa Rica, though it did not, as I have said, give her all that she thought she was entitled to; and Nicaragua had been greatly favored on the other side. How, in a boundary contest between two Powers of about equal strength, can you ever come to a settlement on any other basis than that of compromise and mutual concession? The United States and England have done it over and over again. We claimed our boundary on the northeast as running up far beyond the river St. John-for we have our San Juan too—we claimed that we went far beyond that river on the north-formed under the Earl of Aberdeen, as prime mineastern boundary of Maine. England said that the boundary line began at Mars' Hill, far south of the St. John. The controversy lasted fifty years; and diliged to settle it by each party. Such was the state of things in that quarter when I went into the Department of State, last November. It was out of my power for some time, for causes beyond my control, to give any impulse to the negotiations in reference to Central America. In the month of January, we received the information that a change of ministry had taken place in England, and that a new Government had been ister. In a fortnight or three weeks I received from the British minister here a communication which showed that one of the first objects to which the new ministry had directed its attention, with the fficulties in Central ou, Mr. President, uced an agreeable minded me of what ears ago, when I e representative of -ct that at that time ontroversies about affair of the "Carand the seizure and on the coast of Afdiscussed, some of -ith no other effect the conviction that side; and in fact to the verge of a conà of affairs at that late one night in upon these matters, ing a pretty heavy own position, havall these questions from the Governreceived a note from interview for the turned out to be to Government, lately , had come to the and as it hoped a Special Session-Clayton-Bulwer Treaty. SENATE. erence to topics on which I may be expected to thought it held out the prospect that something matters in conntries; and that for d to send a special , and had selected on, on the express of course look after y, he was the indiBritish empire, in a who would carry st feelings and the sonal associations. ation, made in that object mentioned, theavy load from t no great distance, of all these embars; a prospect which course of the sum Now, sir, how far this project will succeed depends very much in the first instance upon the individual sent on the mission. I look upon it as a very important mission. Small as those States are, I really think that at this time, it is more imreaty of Washing-portant who is sent by the United States to Cen things with great, h a somewhat sim I found that one of een's new Govern tral America, than who is sent to London, to e to us for the set-guished men of his own party, he will select the ble, but still by no down in Central ommunication was, Cannic Majesty was ything reasonable. had recognized, the was set up at San tectorate, it desired ly disembarrassed out an entire sacrind paternal regard down fragments of hundred years had its protection. It honor and credit. ommunication. It United States, and ities of San Juan, Id continue to govizens though they y should continue he Mosquito king, olute sovereignty, nto the Indians as d require. with them, to join nicipal authorities, be completed, then e independence of at it was thought Then in reference to the affairs of Central America proper, by which I mean what is commonly so considered, leaving out of the account Belize and Honduras, I cannot see but what England has done all she contracted to do. There may have been some difference in the interpretation which the two parties placed upon the stipulation, but she has been continually receding. She has given up this, and she has given up that. She is desirous not only to disembarrass herself of the protectorate, but she has resigned the sovereignty of San Juan, and has proposed the cession of the whole Mosquito country east of Nicaragua. If a suspicion of bad faith, which I do not admit, could rest upon either party; if there were a disposition to cavil upon the occasion, it might be said rather that the United States, in view of the recent transactions at San Juan, had broken their faith, for there we see an independent government establishing itself by a popular movement, and creating a municipality composed of American citizens. We all know that the Government of the United States has had nothing to do in bringing it about. The utmost that we have done-and I do not know that we tenance and recognition towards the new muni- I have pleasure in saying so. The only diplo-have done that-is to furnish some degree of counmatic appointments which have yet been made by him, that to Switzerland and that to Peru, are sufficient pledges to my mind that he will have regard to merit and to qualifications. Those appointments, in my opinion, do him the highest honor, as they do the highest honor to his political friends upon this floor, who confirmed them without hesitation and without a division. I have no doubt that he will be governed by the same good sense in the appointment to be made for this mission; and if the right man can be found, and if he can be induced to go down there to take this work in hand and bring these protracted controversies to a desirable conclusion, he will cover himself with honor. I do not see any point in the range of our foreign relations where so much good is now to be done. And, sir, allow me to say one other word on this point. It seems to me that this is the last chance we have for settling affairs on a desirable and honorable footing. If this fails, I do not myself see any hope of taking up the subject in any other form with a better prospect of success. If we cannot now settle all these matters and remove all the difficulties that obstruct the execution of the canal, as far as depends upon political considerations, I do not see but that Nicaragua and Costa Rica must be left to struggle on together with each other, with the ceradvisable step-tainty, the moral and political certainty that the in extending such construction of the canal through their country is r remnants of the indefinitely postponed. Whether that would be secure them from for the interest of Nicaragua it is for her to judge. chem from perishught this a very mmunication. I I have taken up more of the time of the Senate than I had intended, and have now said all that I have to say on the main subject. Before I take my seat, however, I will add a few words in ref With respect to the settlements at Belize, after all that has been said in the course of the winter on this subject, especially after the speeches of the Senator from Maryland [Mr. PEARCE] and the Senator from New York, [Mr. SEWARD;] after the view taken of the subject by the Committee on Foreign Relations in their able report, and the explanations that have taken place in the course of the recent discussion, I do not think it would be worth while for me to take up the time of the Senate by dwelling upon the question. I believe it is now admitted upon all sides of the Senate Chamber, let the decision of the geographical question be what it may, let the Belize be in Central America or in Mexico, let the origin and foundation of these settlements be what they will,-that they were not in the contemplation of the parties to the treaty at the time it was negotiated, or of the Senate at the time it was approved. Attention was not at all turned to these settlements. The parties had something else in view. They were thinking of the canal and the means of carrying forward that great work of interoceanic communication. The same remark may be made in reference to the Bay Islands. They have been for a century and more a part of the dependencies of Belize, 32D CONG.... and it was not the source. If these facts are out a sufficient con the British minister, vas made by me to t de the same. The and although the c en a calm and dis NEW SERIES SESS. erstanding of the contracthould be affected one way pulations of the treaty of s in reference to the recent colony to be these: These hose which were seized, in, while the state of things d in a former part of my e English of late years have "de facto and de jure," (1 || patch of Lord Palmerston,) he validity of the claim, 7. I am only stating the ; and I suppose it is admitthe treaty was negotiated, e not, any more than Belize e negotiators to be included he treaty. Two or three and, the inhabitants of the numerous, sent a messenent of the Belize, and inwere without any regular hey wished one to be estabvery reasonably, that her d not afford to govern them hey must see how much untary taxation to defray overnment. They held a hat they would tax themhey sent word of the result -f the Belize, who told them he could get them a regular equence of that, the order establishing the colony of h is the account I have rethis colonial organization, to add, from any official s I have stated, I think it is no violation of the stipu organizing that colony. At candidly say, that I think I have no doubt it has been suggestion of the colonial has been passed inadverteign Office at London, witheration of the circumstances that the organization, the into a colony of islands ly-whatever may be the -ntral America, and within coast, is, considering the he American mind on this greater than would exist in subject and in a parallel ill-advised and indiscreet t the consent of the Home surprised into it, by the onial authorities, and I entation that when, through esentation of this Governght to the consideration of will be retraced. I hope it e as it was in the case of the 843. You know that at that first agreed to recognize the slands. A communication t effect to the British Minisn London. He agreed that recognize their independ fluence to induce France to xt news that came was that who commanded the British Special Session-Clayton-Bulwer Treaty. SENATE. Sir, in our views of the glorious future that awaits the Union, we are apt to regard geographical extension as the measure and the index of our country's progress. I do not deny the general correctness of that impression. It is necessary for the the West Indies, an officer of great moderation, who is distinguished for his friendly feelings towards the United States, and at whose instance the British Admiralty have very lately put in the possession of Commodore Perry, commander of the squadron sent out by this Government to Ja-formation of the highest type of national character pan, a large number of charts and hydrographic that it should be formed and exhibited upon a grand works-everything, in short, to facilitate the expe- and extensive scale. It cannot be developed within dition-has sent a war steamer to Truxillo to tell the bounds of a petty State. Nor do I admit the authorities there that they must recall an armed that this idea of geographical extension necessarily party which they had sent over the frontier to carries with it-though it does perhaps by natural break up the settlements of the English wood-cut-association-that of collision with other Powers. ters on the river Limas. I do not think anything serious will grow out of these transactions; and can only say, that if there were a disputed boundary between us and Mexico, and Mexico were to send an armed force to break up a settlement of Americans, and destroy their establishments, I think we should tell them in the plainest terms the English language contains, that the United States did not understand that way of settling boundary controversies. The Senate will infer, from what I have now said, that I do not apprehend any disturbance of the peaceful relations between this country and Great Britain, in consequence of the state of things in Central America. In the last speech which I had the honor to make in the House of Representatives, now eighteen years ago, I expressed the opinion that there was no danger of a war between the United States and France, with whom our friendly relations were seriously menaced in consequence of the delay of the French Chambers to make an appropriation to carry into effect Mr. Rives's treaty of indemnity. I am not sorry, in raising my voice for the first time as a member of the Senate, that it is for the purpose of expressing similar sentiments in reference to Great Britain. It is not because either in this case or in that I am indifferent to the interests or the honor of my country. Far otherwise, sir; it is because I do not think they are in danger. I agree with the distinguished Senator from Illinois [Mr. DOUGLAS]|| that England does not love us. In the relations of countries which are governed by Constitutions, by Parliaments, and by Congresses, there is no room for love or for hate, or for any sentimental influence; enlightened regard to the public interest is the only rule of action. It is only under absolute governments-under a monarch who, like Louis XIV., can say "I am the State"-that there is room for love and for hate. Between us and England, and the rest of the constitutional Powers of Europe, there is room only for the influence of the dictates of an enlightened regard to the public weal. But this I will say, that I am persuaded at this time that with all parties in England a mutually beneficial, peaceful intercourse with the United States is considered a cardinal principle of the policy of the Government; and I think that on our side toward England, and toward Europe, we ought to consider a mutually beneficial, peaceful intercourse as a cardinal principle of our policy. I cordially sympathize with the distinguished Senator from Illinois, in the glowing views that he entertains of the future growth and glory of our country. I wish I could persuade him that this glorious future of America is not inconsistent with an equally auspicious future for the friendly Powers of Europe. I wish I could persuade him that that part of the world is not exclusively the region of tombs and monuments that he so graphically described, but that in every country in Europe, more in some than in others, but visibly in all, there is progress; that liberal ideas are at work; that popular institutions and influences are steadily forming themselves; that the melioration of the laboring classes is going on; that education and social comforts are making their way there. It is true, I beg the gentleman to believe me, it is true; and nothing will promote this favorable state of things more than the kindly sympathy and a salutary example on the part of this country. And I will also say that there is no country in Europe that I have ever visited whatevertemporary causes But, sir, I think there is no fear, so far as geographical extension is necessary, that we shall in the natural progress of things, have as much of it, and as rapidly as the best interests of the country admit or require. In the mean time, if we wish a real, solid, substantial growth-a growth which will not bring us in collision with foreign Powers-we shall have it in twenty-five years to our heart's content; not by the geographical accession of dead acres; not by the purchase of Cuba, or by the partition of Mexico, but by the simple peaceful increase of our population. Sir, have you well considered that that mysterious law which was promulgated on the sixth day of the Creation-"Be fruitful and multiply and replenish the earth"-will, in twenty-five years of peace and union-for it is all wrapped up in thataided by the foreign immigration, give us another America of living men as large as that which we now possess? Yes, sir, as far as living men are concerned, besides replacing the millions which will have passed off the stage, it will give us all that the arm of Omnipotence could give us, if it should call up from the depths of the Pacific, and join to the Union another America as populous as ours. If by any stroke of power or policy you could to-morrow extend your jurisdiction from Hudson's Bay to Cape Horn, and take in every State and every Government, and all their population, it would not give to you a greate, amount of population, including your own, than you will have at the end of twenty-five years by the simple law of increase, aided by immigration from abroad. I shall not live to see it. My children probably will. The Senator from Illinois, in all human probability, will live to see it, and there is, perhaps, no one more likely than he to impress his views of public policy upon the mind of those growing millions, and to receive from them in return all the honors and trusts which a grateful people can bestow upon those they respect and love. Let me adjure him, then, to follow the generous impulses of his nature, and after giving, like a true patriot, his first affections to his own country, to be willing to comprehend all the other friendly countries of the earth within the scope of a liberal consideration, and above all to cultivate the spirit and arts of peace-of peace. Sir, it is the opposite spirit of military aggrandizement, the spirit of conquest, that has forged those chains in Europe which the Senator so eloquently deplores. It was this that brought down Asia to the dust in the morning of the world, and has kept her seated in sackcloth and ashes ever since. This blasted Greece; this destroyed Rome. It was not a foreign enemy that laid the ax to the root of Rome's freedom; it was her own proconsuls coming home from the successful wars of Asia, gorged with the gold of conquered provinces. The spirit of military aggrandizement and conquest have done the same for Europe. Will they not do it here if we indulge them? Do not let the Senator think that I suspect he wishes to indulge them; but will they not do it? Will they not give us vast standing armies, overshadowing navies, colossal military establishments, frightful expenditures, contracts, jobs, corruption which it sickens the heart to contemplate? And how can our simple republican institutions, our elective magistracies, our annual or biennial choice of those who are to rule over us, unsupported by hereditary claims or pretorian guards, be carried on under such influences? A Special Session-Select Committee on Frauds, &c. ense inland frontier rable army; and it state of discipline. West Point ought our Republic. Our ght to be kept filled ition of war, and coast ought to be on the maxim "in also remember that peace. This swells s your means; this gth; this covers you ht; and then, if war Power on earthsend forth an adverou need shrink. years of peace. I arter of a century is Our whole history, ave the twenty-five t our fertile wastes illions; let the tide w in from Europe; let the railway, esway, subdue these his vast extension e ingots of Califorron; let agriculture ving plenty; let the erect their peaceful r rivers; and then in ation, let the printe school-room, and dover the country; years, we shall exrosperity, such as o large a scale, and , practical contem intend to prolong due to myself to one remark which om Massachusetts. the Senator from elation to Cuba, in f making no pledge on, was not applihat therefore those a common platform not willing, by the ators, to be put in a misapplication of which I referred in Massachusetts to mis: in it the Sena the competent aunder the Constituin all coming time itory, which in the e desirable, to this nt, under the Conin reference to the - find the constitune Clayton-Bulwer Rica and Nicaraan States? If there I power in the one the consciences of ore, until they e:.barrier, I cannot put themselves in ing made a misap= all I desire to say marks relate to the _nd cordially agree one line of policy others, it is that se of war, and preIf there be a difit is upon the point est accomplish that policy is to make re to bind our sucreference to a state xist, but then may ad that I wish to America to this st the pledge that which their inter est, duty, and honor, may require when the time for action comes. With these remarks, I am willing to close the discussion. Mr. MASON. There will be no question, I take it for granted, that the President will have it in his power during the vacation of Congress to obtain a vast amount of necessary information to guide the future policy of this country towards Central America. There can be as little doubt that when the information is obtained it will be laid before the Congress of the United States. I have said, therefore, to the honorable Senator from Delaware, who offered the resolution, that we shall have the information for which he calls without a call of the Senate; but if that call must be made, it will be necessary, in my judgment, very much to enlarge it, because it applies only to information as to the dominion in the islands. In order, however, to dispose of the subject, which I do with the approbation of the Senator from Delaware, I move that the resolution lie upon the table. The motion was agreed to. EXECUTIVE SESSION. On motion by Mr. MASON, the Senate proceeded to the consideration of Executive business; and after some time spent therein, the doors were reopened, And the Senate adjourned. TUESDAY, March 22, 1853. Prayer by the Chaplain, Rev. C. M. BUTLER. EXECUTIVE COMMUNICATIONS. A message was received from the President of the United States in answer to a resolution of the 17th instant, requesting copies of certain propositions to Nicaragua and Costa Rica, relative to the settlement of the territorial controversies between the States and Governments bordering on the river San Juan, transmitting a report from the Secretary of State, and the documents by which it was accompanied; which was referred to the Committee on Foreign Relations. The PRESIDENT pro tempore laid before the Senate a communication from the Secretary of the | Interior, transmitting additional papers in relation to the allegation of fraud contained in certain public prints with regard to the disbursements by Alexander Ramsey of money appropriated to carry out the stipulations of treaties concluded with the Sioux Indians; which, on the mótion of Mr. SEBASTIAN, was referred to the Committee on Indian Affairs. Also, a communication from the Secretary of the Interior, transmitting additional papers in relation to the Mexican Boundary Commission; which, on the motion of Mr. WELLER, was referred to the Select Committee on the subject, and ordered to be printed. CLERK TO A COMMITTEE. Mr. JAMES, from the Committee on Patents and the Patent Office, submitted the following resolution: Resolved, That the clerk to the Committee on Patents and the Patent Office, be continued during the recess of the Senate, at the usual rate of compensation, to be employed in preparing for the use of said committee an alphabetical index and digest of the reports heretofore made by the several Committees on Patents and the Patent Office. MEXICAN BOUNDARY COMMISSION. Mr. WELLER submitted the following resolution: Resolved, That the Select Committee on the Mexican Boundary be allowed until the next session of Congress to report upon the various subjects referred to them. Mr. HUNTER. I have no objection to the committee making a report, but I object to any committee sitting during the recess. I think it would be establishing a bad precedent. Mr. WELLER. It is not proposed by the resolution that the committee shall sit during the recess. The testimony before it has been closed. It occupies more than five hundred pages, and it is utterly impossible for the committee during this session to examine it so as to be able to make a report. The object of the resolution is to allow the committee to make their report, not to continue their sitting during the recess. SENATE. Mr. HUNTER. If the Senator will add a proviso that the committee shall not sit during the recess, I will have no objection to the resolution. Mr. WELLER. As chairman of the committee, I propose going home very early next month, and I am sure there will be no sessions of the committee in the recess. The resolution simply proposes to allow the committee to report, and I do not think under that authority, they could, if they desired, sit during the recess. However, if my friend from Virginia thinks it necessary, I have no objection to adding the proviso. Mr. HUNTER. I think they might sit under the authority conferred by the resolution; and I should therefore like to have the proviso added. I know there will be other applications to continue committees, and I shall oppose them all. The PRESIDING OFFICER, (Mr. CoOPER in the chair.) The Senator from California accepts the modification suggested by the Senator from Virginia. The resolution as modified was agreed to. PAPERS WITHDRAWN. On motion by Mr. SUMNER, it was Ordered, That leave be granted to withdraw the papers relating to the claim of the Boston Steamboat Relief Company, B. B. Forbes. EXECUTIVE SESSION. On motion by Mr. MASON, the Senate proceeded to the consideration of Executive business, and after some time spent therein, the doors were reopened. THE SELECT COMMITTEE ON FRAUDS, ETC. Mr. BORLAND. I have a report, Mr. President, which I am directed to make from the Select Committee on Frauds, Abuses, &c. Before doing so, however, it will be proper to recur briefly to the circumstances under which the committee have acted. This committee was originally appointed last summer, but was unable, for want of time, to complete its duties during that session, which adjourned the last of August. During the recent session it was reappointed, and continued its investigations until the close. Finding its duties still unfinished, owing to the mass of testimony they had taken, and which had to be arranged and embodied in a report, permission was asked and obtained to continue their sittings during this special session, in order to prepare and present their report. The committee consisted of five membersthree Democrats and two Whigs. Of these, the Senatorial terms of the two Whig members (Mr. UNDERWOOD of Kentucky, and Mr. BROOKE of Mississippi) terminated with the Congress on the 4th of this month. It became necessary, therefore, to make up the regular number of the committee to supply these vacancies; and two other Whig members (Mr. MORTON of Florida, and Mr. THOMPSON of Kentucky) were appointed. These gentlemen met the other members of the committee a few days ago-the whole committee consisting of Mr. HOUSTON, chairman, Mr. BORLAND, Mr. WALKER, Mr. MORTON, and Mr. THOMPSON-When the cases which had been examined were submitted, and the substance of the report upon them, as drawn up, was read. I have deemed this statement proper, and it was understood by the committee that I should make it, in justice especially to the two new members of the committee, who have not, of course, had time or opportunity to examine the testimony in the several cases, and cannot be responsible for the report. They heard the report read, and acquiesced in it only so far as to assent to its being made to the Senate, reserving their right to judge of it when it shall have been printed, and they have had an opportunity to examine the testimony upon which it is based. 32D CONG. proposed approp and restored it auditing and co public money a then made to m that they reflecte justly, upon the been intrusted w work and disbur time that such w charges of gross tect and others been made, and gaged in an inve result to sustain t the public interes given into the san the material facts presented in the that as a few wee mittee to report ti result from the p right that the Ex at hand to act un mode to be adopted in the prosecution My amendment the disbursement former and usual of checks and of around it, but it is with it, until the at hand, when the the work to begin shall be intrusted opinion of the co matters important to act understand serve the public view directly, the selves to make the cumstances of dif now. It is now printed, as is us minous, and wil in the usual wa pose, then, with marks, is to co rather, to let the marks, and by t our reporters to p as part of our de it much earlier in for the more imm public I believe it bodying, therefore ate, I propose to r Mr. BADGER. Mr. BORLAN course. the Senate by rea as this. I know th to it now. But, I would like to be as is not unusual to incorporate cert it be considered a marks, be reporte it be the pleasure Mr. BADGER $15 a column to p Mr. BORLAN a great deal more which I could wri be worth so muc months' patient this body, of ma terest and morals. of an extraordin early known, it is than any such an reports of our pro if it be the pleas port of the Select &c., appointed u of August 6, 1 printed as a part Mr. MASON think it is a ver printed as a pa Senate, and I s It is deemed important by the committee that this report should be printed at the earliest practicable day; important to the public interest. In connection with one part of it, it will be remembered that during the recent session, when the deficiency bill was under consideration, I offered two amendments in relation to the proposed appropriation of $400,000 as a deficiency of former appropriations for the Capitol extension. My amendments suspended the disbursement of the the Senator, wh |