the conquest and complete subjugation of England. You, however, think very differently. You think him perfectly sincere in all his pacific professions; and, as the reason you give in support of this opinion may ped it of its very skin, and next, that she could, at any time, have re-occupied it at her pleasure. It was one of the sins of the late ministry to demand the restoration of Hanover, their motive for which was evident to all the world, namely, that of flat-be comprehended by others, though it is not tering certain prejudices as the sure means of keeping their places; and, it is not a little surprizing, that you, Sir, you who clearly wish to pay your court to the people, should have held forth, as a great concession to us, the restoration of that, which the whole nation regards as a mill-stone about its neck. But, the truth appears to be, that you werè divided in your hopes and fears here again. You must have perceived, that the restoration of Hanover was not a favourite object with the nation; but, on the other hand, your anxiety to justify France induced you to make the most of the offer with respect to that miserable electorate. She offered us, however, the Cape of Good Hope (a possession of Holland), Malta, her colonies (or rather factories) in the East-Indies, and the island of Tobago, of all which we were in actual possession, while there existed not, in the world, the means of taking any one of them from us; and, if you do not perceive the fact, Mr. Talleyrand did, that the perpetual possession of all these, and of all the colonies of both hemispheres, would not have tended, even in the slightest degree, to the security of England, in which respect they were, all taken together, of far less Importance than that little dot in the map of Furope, called the island of St. Marcou. You pass over, with great cautiousness, what France would have retained, in case we had made peace upon the terms proposed. You tell us that the King of Naples was to have had "the Balearic islands and an annuity from Spain, to enable him to maintain his dignity;" but you omit to state, that he was to have been deprived of the island of Sicily, by the peace, which Napoleon had not been able to take from him during the war; and, you also omit to state, that Sicily and Italy in possession of France, Malta must be given up by us for "want of the means of feeding its inhabitants. In short, there appears to me to have been offered by France nothing that would have enabled us to dismantle, without abandoning all ideas of safety, a single ship of war, or to disband a single regiment that was, at the time the negociation began, necessary for our defence; and, the whole of the negociation only tended to confirm men in their formet opinion, that Napoleon would consent to no peace, that should not work more rapidly than war towards his grand object, was so, and which may, therefore, be "allowed to stand against the vague asser❝tions, so generally made to the contrary.” [Now, reader, watch narrowly for this circumstance.] "As Hanover was to be im"mediately and unconditionally restored to "its elector, an application appears to have "been made, during the negociation, by Buonaparte to the king of Prussia, to "whom the possession of it had been ceded "by France as a conquered province, to "deliver it up to its former sovereign." [Have you found out the circumstance yet, reader]This application excited no "small share of indignation on the part of "the king of Prussia, who is said to have "expressed his determination, not to allow "himself to be divested of his dominions at "the will of the French ruler." [Have you got it yet?] "The consequence of this was a most singular complication of affairs, "We were already at war with Prussia, "who had also refused to divest herself of "Hanover, although she had not the slight"est pretensions to the sovereignty; and though the establishment of peace be"tween England and France might have "depended upon it." Have you found the "circumstance" yet, reader? If you have, you will do me a favour to lend me a little of your sharpsightedness; for, after having read the paragraph over twenty times, with the utmost anxiety to find the statement of a circumstance "strongly favouring the idea "that Buonaparte was sincere in his pro❝fessions for peace;" and that was to be "allowed to stand against the assertions, "so generally made to the contrary;" after all this anxious perusal, I can find, not only no such circumstance stated, but nothing at all that has any connection with the subject. Perhaps, however, Mr. Roscoe, you may mean, that the application made to the king of Prussia, for the surrender of Hanover, was a proof that Napoleon confidently expected, that he should soon have to restore it to the elector, and, of course, as confidently expected that a treaty of peace would grow out of the negociation then going on. but this Sir, is c quite another thing He might confidently expect, and sincerelysioned by her unjust refusal to restore to "their lawful sovereign the patrimonial and wish for, a thing called a treaty of peace long descended dominions of the House at the same time, of Brunswick, No, Sir, it was not a entertain towards her, views the most de refusal to restore them to the elector, it was cidedly hostile. It was some circumstance a refusal to give them up to France, and such as would have favoured the idea of his that, too, without any equivalent, that being really peaceably inclined towards us, France might have them as an article of ces hat was expecting to hear you state; such, sion to us in the treaty that was, as was then for instance, as offer to set Holland and expected, about to be made. You, all Spain free This would have been some along, speak of Hanover as something, and, thing; this would not only have stood against indeed, as a great thing, which France had Vague assertions," but against that chain to restore to us; before she could restore it of reasoning and of facts which have been she must possess it in right of conquest; advanced as the foundation of the opinion that right she had ceded to Prussia; the that he was not sincere in his propositions right of Prussia must have been just as good as the right of France; and yet you contend, for peace; but, the offer of Hanover to us, so far from standing against such reasoning you flatly assert, that to the sovereignty of and facts, tend only to confirm us in the Hanover Prussia had not the slightest pre conclusions drawn from them. tensions. There may possibly be Some few persons, in England, who have, through all the transformations of the French govern. ment, from a simple democracy up to a simple military despotism, retained their original partiality for the rulers of that country; and these persons may appland your present efforts; but, if I am not the most deceived of men, those efforts will, by every other description of persons, be considered as proceeding from a want of principle as flagrant as any that has been witnessed for A long series of years. I am, yours, &c. WM. COBBETT Botley, 16 Feb., 1808. SUMMARY OF POLITICS. AMERICAN STATES, -The good citi zens of this virtuous young empire are, it would seem, resolved not to leave the smallest doubt in the mind of any man living, that all which I have said bad of them is short of the truth. They will, before they have done, put their friends here to the blush, I am afraid, and will go very far towards confirming the truth of the late assertions of the Bishop of Autun, namely, that republican government is fit for nothing but to make men rascals." This is the substance of what the Bishop said; and yet, it is very strange, that some of those who were attached to the Bishop while he held republican government to be absolutely necessary to preserve men from becoming, brutes, should be attached to him now as much as they were before.--The first thing which I have to notice, relating to the American States, is a quarrel between Mr. John Randolph one of the members of the House of Representatives of the United States, and General Wilkinson, who has long been entrusted with commands upon the Western frontier of the United States. It appears, that Mr. Randolph had long sus pected Wilkinson of being in the pay of Spain, with whom the American States have had many squabbles about boundaries, &c. ; and that, at last, some documents came into the hands of Mr. Randolph, whereon to substantiate the charge. Amongst others, the following letter, from the Baron de Carondelet, Spanish Intendant at New Orleans, to a Mr. Portell, at New Madrid, dated 20th January, 1806. "In the galley the Victo"ria, Bernardo Molina, Patron, there have "been sent to Don Vincent Folch nine "thousand six hundred and forty dollars, "which sum, without making the least use "of it, you will hold at my disposal to deli"ver it at the moment that an order may be presented to you by the American Gene"ral, Don James Wilkinson."―This 'etter, duly attested, Mr. Randolph produced, in his place, on the 31st of December last, and made a motion upon the subject. After some time spent in debate, the discussion was adjourned. I must now copy from the Washington newspaper of the same date. The matter is curious, and of political importance, because it affords us a true picture of a people, with whom we have, at present, a great deal to do. The reader will bear in mind, that we are here going to speak of the "most virtuous people upon earth," as they have called themselves, even since the commencement of this present session of Congress. "This morning the town was alarmed by "bills, stuck up at every tavern, corners of streets, &c. The following is a copy, as near as I can recollect: "have stigmatised those citizen soldiers, "who compose the meritorious military "corps of our country. No person can be "more sensible of the pernicious tendency "of such cruel and undeserved reflections, " in their application to public men or private individuals, than yourself; nor is " " any man more competent to determine "the just reparation to which they establish a fair claim. Under these impressions, I can have no sitation to appeal to your "justice, your magnanimity, and your gal"lantry, to prescribe the manner and the "measures of redress, being persuaded your "decision will comport with the feelings of a man of honour, and that you will be "found equally prompt to assert a right or repair a wrong. I transmit this letter through the post office, and shall expect. your answer, by such channel as you may "deem most proper I have the honour to "be, Sir, your obedient servant, JAS. WILKINSON.' " "The Hon. John Randolph "SIR, Several months ago I was in "formed of your having said, that you were "acquainted with what bad passed in the "grand jury-room at Richmond, last spring,1 "and that you had declared a determina"tion to challenge me. I am to consider your letter of last night, by mail, as the "execution of this avowed purpose, and, " through the same channel return you my answer. Whatever may have been "the expressions used by me, in relation to your character, they were the result of de-i "liberate opinion, founded upon the most: "authentic evidence, the greater part of "which my country, imposed upon me the "painful duty to weigh and to decide upon; they were such, as to my knowledge and "to yours, have been delivered by hundreds "of the first men in the Union, and pro bably by a full moiety of the American people. In you, Sir, I can recognize no right to hold me accountable for my pub-, "lic or private opinion of your character, that would not subject me Jo an equal "claim from Colonel Burr, or Serjeant Dunbaugh. I cannot descend to your le "vel. This is my final answer, njeg DAJON, RANDOLPH." Brigadier General Wilkinson. There is every chance, I think, of Wilkinson's being bribed by Spain; for, as to "commercial concerns," what commercial concerns could he possibly have? But, this is nothing new. It was proved as clear as day-light, that the secretary of state, in the time of Washington; asked the French minister, Fauchet, for a bribe; and, to say the truth, the fact excited no public indignation, and very little surprize. In what a state, then, must that people be? I know what a state they are in; I know how unprincipled they are; I know what profligates they are, women as well as men; but, I wish to rest upon facts such as these now laid before the world, and which facts none of their interested advocates can deny. An extract from a Boston paper of the 31st of December will enable the reader to judge of the Correctness of my opinions, with regard to the effects of an embargo in America. "All "the letters from Washington announce a war with Great Britain as nearly inevitable. The embargo was carried by the "influence of a spirit hostile to Great Britain, and of course not very independent of France. If the people of New England • quietly, submit to the system of attaching sur fute to that of France, our indepen"dence is at an end.The embargo apSpears, by the language of the government “papers, intended to produce, a coercive "eflect upon England. What would we. compel her to do? To make reparation Dildours, 4 T "for the attack on the Chesapeake ? She "has sent Mr. Rose, expressly commission"ed to do all that her character can suffer "to be done without degradation, to satisfy "the wounded feelings of our country. He " is now near our coast if not arrived, bear"ing the olive branch, and tendering us sa"tisfaction, peace and good will. It is "therefore madness to say, the embargo "has any relation to the attack on the "Chesapeake. What then are we to com"pel Great Britain to do by this embargo? "She shall abandon her claim to her own subjects whenever they can get on board our merchant vessels! This is the only "point that now labours between the two governments. To effect this concession on the part of England, we are called upon to sacrifice the prosperity. of the country to submit to the most distressing privations-many to absolute ruin, "and all this with dignity and patience."Let those who already see consternation 66 66 66 66 stalking through our streets, and hundreds "of poor but industrious men, even on the "second day of the embargo, standing "without any employment, suing for some means of earning a day's support for their family, let them imagine this state of things, protracted a few months, and judge of the consequences. Will they be "supportable? It is evident from the tone "of the National Intelligencer, and cor. "roborated by all the letters we have seen "from Washington, that the embargo is to "last, until its effects are felt across the "Atlantic.-If so, it must continue many "months. Can it be borne with dignity "and patience?-We have given, in all, "towards twenty millions of dollars, to prevent the French from owning territo"ries in our neighbourhood. It is now "confidently asserted that Buonaparté has "made arrangements, in his way, with the "government of Spain, to cede him the "Floridas! Thus, after wasting our treasury, and incurring an enormous debt, to HA (interests of England, and being so satisfied, I embarrass myself but very little as to the effects which they may have upon individuals, especially such as are so closely connected with other countries as to render them less than half Englishmen. Roscoe, upon the same subject; and to Mr. Alexander Baring, M. P. who has written a long and most soporific pamphlet in defence of the conduct of America, under the guise of an examination into our conduct towards America. I recollect something of the author of this pamphlet, and of his connections; and, I would beg leave to suggest to him, that M. P. after his name, should, in candour, be followed by any titles which he may choose to attach to those connections; for, it is by no means fair that the reader should see but one side of him. This is a proper man, indeed, to answer Mr. Spence! We see no "melancholy effects" following embargo here. We do not see a picture like that described above. It is easy to conceive how the Orders in Council will affect Mr. Baring, but Mr. Baring is not England; nor can he be considered as an impartial judge in the case. It has been stated by the ministers, that the Orders of Council have not diminished the commerce of England. I wish they may; but, I am sure they will make misery enough in Spain and Portugal, and that they will produce most serious inconvenience in France, and in every country under her controul. Napoleon's ministers call upon the chemists to find out something to answer the purpose of sugar and coffee; and I have heard of a project for making grass into beef in France, without the help of the stomach of an ox. One is just as probable as the other. try these Orders for a year or two. try the sovereignty of the sea; and, I am very much deceived, if, at the end of that time, Napoleon will not be disposed to make a real peace with us. The contest now, is that of England against all the rest of Europe. A few years of this will give quite a new turn to men's minds; it will make the idea of being a match for all the world familiar to us, which will be infinitely more valuable than all the commerce of all the Batings and of every body else. I can easi ly conceive an apology for such a person as Mr. Baring. Men brought up, from their infancy, to count their gains, must be expected to feel most sensibly any measure by which their gains are diminished. They may write and advise what is hostile to the interests of their country, and yet be very honest men; because they see things through a false medium. Their gains they identify with their country's good; and, when their gains are diminished by any measure, they naturally conclude that such measure is injurious to the country. For my part, I am satisfied, that the Orders of Council are well calculated to promote the permanent Let us Let us PROCEEDINGS IN PARLIAMENT.-The subjects of the greatest interest, which have been brought before parliament, since the publication of my last remarks thereon, are, first, the Danish Expedition; second, the intended motion upon India Affairs; third, the Curates' Suspension Bill; fourth, the Droits of Admiralty.-A motion similar to that made in the Commons, was made in the House of Lords, relative to the Danish Expedition; that is to say, a motion for the production of the papers, or information, upon which the expedition was undertaken, it being alledged by the " gen"tlemen cpposite," that positive proof of the hostile disposition of Denmark, or, at least, of the intention, and the power, of France, to seize the Danish fleet, was necessary to justify our conduct towards the former power. In this debate, the "gen"tlemen opposite" certainly had the best end of the argument; because the ministers, very unwisely, had, at several stages of the proceeding, talked of such information as the grounds of their measure; whereas, if they had rested their justification solely upon the notorious circumstances of the case, they would have been plagued with none of these discussions; the common sense of the country being with them, they might have left their opponents to indulge in their unavailing accusations. But, not only did their timidity; their want of courage to defend the measure upon the only solid ground, lead them to pretend to have received positive information; they did not stop here, and say, that we cannot reveal this information, without great injury to the public service, but, in the debate in the House of Commons, Mr. Canning did produce papers; that is to say, he read parts of letters from Mr. Garlike, our late minister at Copenha gen, and also of letters from Lord Hutchin son; and, having done this, it appeared impossible to give any good reason why the whole of the correspondences should not be produced. Motions were, therefore, made for this purpose; and though they were negatived, as all motions against the minister are, I think, however odd it may seem; though these motions were negatived, the public could see no reason whatever for the refusal, it appearing manifestly unjust, that you should tell me |