Слике страница
PDF
ePub

steady to their principles, and frank in avowing them, that they lost their places?--In your Register of Jan. 16, you say that you rejoice in the prospect of "the complete annihilation of Whiggism, which has existed for about 1440 years to the infinite injury of England." This is so extraordinary a decla ration, and so much at variance with some of the doctrines you now profess, that you must allow me to call upon you for an explanation of your meaning. By Whiggism, By Whiggism, I believe, is commonly understood those poTitical principles which create a generous attachment to that character of freedom, which is the distinguishing feature of the English constitution. The salutary and genuine operation of these principles on a representativebot the people, was well described by one of our senators, when he declared that he considered it to be his duty to keep his ear ever open and attentive to the voice of the people, while his eye was steadily fixed, with watchful jealousy, on the throne. In order to justify the flippant language above quoted, it will not be sufficient to say that you did not intend to speak lightly of Whig principles, but meant only to express your disapprobation of the conduct of the Whigs, considered as a political party. For, if so, the sentiment ought to have been differently expressed. Whiggism ought not to be brought into disgrace on account of the faults of those who profess it. If the votaries of Whiggism have sometimes erred, has not this arisen from their having lost sight of those pure and genuine principles, which, if faithfully acted upon, would have been the safeguard of their honour, and their protection from reproach? To annihilate Whiggism would be to annihilate the constitution itself. Unless, therefore, you can find out some other definition of the term than what is here given, I do not see how you will be able to defend the expressions alluded to, or how they can be reconciled with the sentiDents which you are in the habit of expressing about freedom and reform. You highly value the Bill of Rights, and other constituMoniali Jaws and strongly recommend them Kaadthe grand antidote of all political mala. oldies. You consider them as the bulwarks of the constitution. Yet, how were these bul. warks erected if not by Whiggism? -lying one your candour for the insertion in your Register of these remarks,-I am, Sir, your very obedient servant,-TREBOR. Worcestery Feb. 1808. squ gaivi dieditor har msili aybol for ION WAR. FASIR,In consequence of a very able letter: addressed by you to Mr. Roscoe,

"

[ocr errors]
[ocr errors]

Re

which appeared in your Register of the 13th
instant; I am induced to trouble you with a
few observations upon an abstract principle
contained in it, concerning which, it seems,
you and he are at variance. The principle
to which I allude, is-the general question
of War: not only as affecting the present
contest between England and France; but
its influence upon society at large. It is un-
necessary to dilate upon the importance of
the question, or to say that it is one of those
which have occupied the most serious atten-
tion of the first characters in all ages, and in
all countries: although, by the way, it is
worthy of mention, that, with the exception
of Hobbes, who contended that the natural
state of man is warfare; most other eminent
political writers of this country, have put it
down as a state repugnant to the feelings of
humanity. To understand the question bet
ter, it may not, however, be amiss to divide
it into its several parts; to class those parts
according to their order, and to discuss them,
in as separate a manner, as their nature will
admit of. This, I will endeavour to do un-
der the following arrangement. 1st. An
inquiry into the tendency of mankind to
war:-2d. Whether that tendency is natu-
other
ral, or whether it proceeds from any
cause-3d. The good or evil resulting from
it, or the operation of its effects upon so-
ciety at large:-and 4th. The advantages or
disadvantages of it, when considered relative-
ly with a disposition to peace.——I, Now,
Sir, you have, I think, asserted it, as a set-
tled principle, that a tendency to war wakes
a part of our nature; and, to establish your
assertion, have referred us to the propensity
which is exhibited in early life to engage
those sports that approximate nearest to it.
The foundation of your argument is so
vague, that it is not easy to understand it:
but, supposing this propensity to exist, is it
to be inferred that the practice is indicative
of a disposition to annoy ?Is it to be infer-
red, that, because I learn the art of fencing,
my object is to pick quarrels, and to run my
adversary through the body? May I not en-
deavour to acquire, this babit, with a view
of self defence upon some future emergency?
And so may, in like manner, this propen-
sity to warlike exercise shew itself in our
youth, and I have no doubt is, instinctively
implanted in us, for the purpose of preparing
ourselves to act in defence of our persons.
The law of "self preservation" is generally
admitted to be the primary law of nature;
and it is an injustice to the wisdom of the
Creator, to suppose that this early spirit pro-
ceeds from motives of acting aggressively to
the prejudice of another, rather than defen

[ocr errors]
[ocr errors]

Sively in one's own personal protection. That it must proceed from one cause or the other, is, certainly, very clear; but, that it should proceed from the former, is, certainly, very strange. Indeed, I know not how to entertain a thought of it, without impeaching the mercy of the Almighty; there is something so extravagantly preposterous in the idea, that He should make for the sake of unmaking; and that he should form his creatures to-day, and implant in their systems a desire to annihilate one another again to-morrow. I can, however, readily conceive that the disposition may proceed from the latter cause; and, at the same time, be perfectly consistent with His views of mercy, policy, and justice: in favour of this opinion, the law of" self preservation" is countenanced by the sacred Oracles, and forms a part of the code of Moses.

66

"A

man may be forced to kill another, in his own necessary self defence, and then the "sin is not in the slayer, but in him that is "slain: for, in all cases of force, not he "who is compelled to strike the stroke, but "he, who is the cause of the evil, bears the "whole guilt." The justice of this decree is universally admitted: and in the English law especially; where it may be adduced, and is allowed-as an argument for a breach of the peace, or for the commission of homicide itself! But I know not how it can be well defended, that we should be born with a propensity to injure one another; that this propensity should shew itself before we are even physically able to put it into execution; and that it should not only be sanctioned, but be encouraged by the Creator.-In reply to this you may, perhaps, say-if there is no disposition to attack; where is the need of these precautions to defend? This question will be better answered under the second head of my arrangement, wherein, I admit the disposition to attack; but conceive that disposition to proceed from, and be strengthened by principles different from those which you have stated. To this head of my arrangement, I shall immediately advert, after noticing an argument that is made use of by you, to prove the intention of the Creator to encourage a spirit of warfare and opposition. You mention, that He seems to have said, at the time of giving different languages to different classes of men, "be "you for ever separate." Now, what he actually did was very much to this effect, as appears in the 11th chapter of Genesis, verses 6, 7 and 8: viz. "And the Lord said, behold, the people is one, and they have "all one language; and this they begin to "do; and now nothing will be restrained

[ocr errors]

"from them, which they have imagined to "d. Go to, let us go down, and then "confound their language, that they may "not understand one another's speech. So "the Lord scattered them abroad from thence

[ocr errors]

upon the face of all the earth." Herein, you say, is implied the necessity of war; for, without war, it is, you think, evident that to preserve that separation would, unless the nature of man were previously changed, be quite impossible. It appears, however, that this measure was not thought expedient by the Creator, who, evidently, produced, and believed to be sufficient-the confusion of tongues, for the purpose of disuniting His. people, and keeping them in a state of separation. If His intention had been to have acted according to your idea, would He not have said-" Go to, let us go down and in"stil into their hearts a spirit of contention, "that they may fight, and flee from one, "another, and be separate?" But the execution of this plan would but ill have cor; responded with that amity and meekness manifested in all His works, and so justly esteemed among the principal attributes of the Deity.II. That a tendency to war, how... ever, does exist in the minds of some men, cannot, for a moment, be doubted, but then, it does not follow that this tendency, generally speaking (for there may be a very few exceptions) is natural. On the contrary, I cannot conceive any thing more unnatural, than that we should be gifted with a blind propensity mutually to destroy each other, without knowing why or wherefore. If it be not naturally ingrafted in the system then; it must be acquired in the growth and if it be acquired in the growth, there must be a reason for its acquirement; and that reason such as may be readily discover ed. The fact is, Sir, that the actions of most men are regulated by a principle of self interest; and so long as the ultimate object to be obtained is for their own immediate benefit, they are not over nice as to the means which they employ to become pos sessed of it. The mind is, at first, inclined to startle at this idea, believing it to be re pugnant to the principles of morality and. justice; but when it is considered that, by an admirable connexion, virtue and public. happiness are so joined together, that it is almost impossible to attain the one, without following the other, the circumstance no longer seems strange of men acting from motives of self inte rest; and, yet, in conformity with the principles of virtue. If there are, however, very few who act virtuously, for the sake of being virtuous; who accommodate their conduct to the rules of

equity, from a sheer love of equity; who pursue the paths of morality, from a pure affection for its principle; and who live with justice, piety and chastity, from an absolute. conviction of their merits: there are still fewer, who love vice, for the sake of vice; who commit acts of cruelty and injustice, from an intuitive desire to be cruel and unjust; and who delight in deeds of indiscriminate murder, of calm, deliberate destruction, and of ravenous rapine,-from an unaffected fondness for their intrinsic qualifications. Nevertheless, Sir, this would be the case, if, according to your idea, we were endowed with a blind propensity to war: for, then should we be led on to the indulgence of this propensity, without any other care than that of gratifying it; our spirit of contention would prompt us to wreak our passion upon the innocent, as well as the guilty, between whom, indeed, we should be unable to discriminate; our intellect would be disordered; our reason would lose its sway; and, in short, ifto war, to fight (which is the same thing) were a passion natural to all the creation," as you have stated; the blood and baseness of our natures would lead us to most preposterous conclusions." But, if this tendency to war be not radically inserted in us, but proceed from some other cause; if it proceed from the cause which I have hinted to be the source of most men's actions; there is no fear of its urging us to such extravagant bounds, because the argument, which I made use of before, concerning the connexion of virtue and public' happiness, applies also, in great measure, to the present case. This, I shall endeavour to shew under the third head of my arrangement, treating of the operation of the effects of this tendency upon society at large but, before quitting this head, I am desirous of explaining myself more fully, for differing from you in opinion, that the tendency of mankind to war does not proceed from blind inherent qualities, but from those motives which are the pivot, upon which, our conduct generally turns.If some ultimate benefit is held out by engaging in a war; if an opportunity offers of bettering our fortune; if a soldier expects to be made a corporal, by fighting well; or a corporal, a serjeant; or any other officer looks to promotion for his exertions; the mystery is immediately developed, and we are no longer at a loss to discover, why it is that the love of fighting predominates. It is not the medium, but the object that is beloved; and if the object can only be acquired through the assistance of the medium; no wonder that the medium is esteemed: but

then it is not esteemed for itself, but for the object it is capable of acquiring. He must, indeed, be very fond of fighting, who exposes himself to the danger of receiving a hard knock from his enemy, for the sake only of obtaining an opportunity to give him a harder. The noble mind of Don Quixotte de la Mancha might, to be sure, have cherished such ideas; but, since his time, it would be difficult, I think, to point out another, who was so great an amateur of the profession. But, to be serious. Those, bred up to arms, do not love war for the sake of war; but, like the rest of mankind in other respects, love it from motives of self interest, or from motives, which approxi mate very near to it: some, more distinguished than others, love it for those virtues you have particularized: viz. patriotism, loyalty, and fidelity. Some, for reasons less noble, but equally unsubstantial: viz. honour, rank, and reputation; and others, for what the generality of mankind are grasping after: viz. wealth, power, and dominion. This position may be denied; nay, it may be denied by persons believing it to be untrue, because it is frequently dressed up in false colours and disguised so, that, upon a cursory view, it is imperceptible by the understanding: but, nevertheless, the truth of it is confirmed by actual observation, so as to render unnecessary the use of farther argument. If it were not so, Mr. Cobbett, how happens it, that the French army has attained its present pitch of discipline and order 2 If it were not, Sir, that each soldier looks forward to promotion, and fights for the approbation of his general; for the maintetenance of his character; and, more espe cially, for the plunder he expects to enjoy. Do not the same causes influence our sailors; who, brave, hardy, and perfect as they are, contemplate the amount of." prize money," they are in hopes of obtaining, among the foremost advantages of their profession. Give them, the option of fighting an enemy's man of war, or a Spanish galleon laden with bullion, gold dust, and dollars, and see whether their love of fighting will induce them to attack the first, which, from its equipment and constitution, will lend them a harder tug; or, the latter, where, in all probability, they will meet with little or no opposition. Not only is this peculiar, Sir, to the French army, and to our navy,but so is it with all the world: so is it with our soldiers; or else, where would be the need of "bounty," which is held out to them as a lure to enlist in the service. What, will any one attempt to make me beligve, that there is something so captivating in the

naine of war; something so irresistible in this natural tendency that you talk of, that, when a recruiting serjeant claps a country booby on the back, and asks him to fight for his king and country;" his arguments would be equally effective in prevailing upon him, without the use of money? Common sense tells us, not; and common observation proves it, not. This pure spirit of warfare neither exists, nor is it reasonable that it should exist: a man who goes into the field with no other view than the actual pleasure he expects to derive from the physical operation of killing his adversary, is an inconceivable monster; but if he has an object to attain, and, although acting repugnantly to his feelings, yet believes his mode of action to be just and necessary, the case is totally different. Having already made this letter longer than, I fear, you will find convenient to insert in your Register; I must defer the consideration of the two remaining topics, for the present.I am, Sir, yours, &c.W. S. L.-Feb. 15, 1808.

[ocr errors]

སྙ

those which grow out of the corruption of the times; and the rapacity of individuals. For the whole of the various oppressions to which Vindex imputes the discontents of Ireland, he states as arising from the exactions of Catholic priests; from those of tythes levied by the Protestant clergy, and the rents demanded by the land proprietors and middlemen Surely, then, he ought to have marked the gathering, which more particularly requires, the reform of parlia ment, as more necessary for its interference. than those other abuses, which the petition. ers themselves might remedy, by the resolu tions of county meetings, and inculcating a more liberal conduct in their own priests., The impropriate tythes are the indisputable property of the laity, yet it is so little founded in reason and justice, and so obviously disgraceful to a free constitution, that parlia ment has as much right to commute it by an honourable equivalent, for the benefit of the community, as to carry a public road through private property, on the same principle. No thing but wilful, misrepresentation, or professional prejudice, can attempt to support SIR, Among the various merits of an argument, that clerical tythes are as much your excellent Register, I have received great a parson's property, as the landed estate is the pleasure in observing the liberal admission of property of his patron: what a shameful letters from your correspondents, who have claim it is to call that property which is no occasionally differed from you on subjects of more than a legal privilege of plundering, controversy, even when their authors have our neighbour's fields. The more respecta not been deficient in powers of argument, ble the profession of a clergyman, the more which are peculiarly your forte: therefore, it behoves them to obtain the abolition of there is less reason to doubt, that you will such a privilege; and of "reaping where admit my reply to some extraordinary asser- they have not sown," under the sanction of tions of a gentleman, who, under the signa- a tythe bough, which disgracefully proclaims ture of Vindex, has lately engaged in an at- to all travellers, in this parish lives a tythe tack, on the Irish petitioners for a commuta- GATHERER. The appellation of tythe own tion of tythes. In consequence of the very ER must be horne with, till the legislatura great attention I have for years, paid to the assigns a provision for the clergy less incon various publications on this subject, I am gruous to their religious and moral princi persuaded, that the ability of one party in de- ples. The clergy should make a point t fending them, and the conviction of the distinguish the present unavailal le situation other in condemning them, will never be of tythe cuner, from the wilful character of productive of any thing but wrangling, and gathering them in kind, which might be eag unless the legislature decidedly interferes in sily done by resuming their an their ancient distinc behalf of the rights of society, in opposition tion of a rose in the hat, which a tyle to the tythe system, the iniquity and tyran-therer would not venture, to wear, when it

TYTHES.

ny of tythe gathering will continue to dis
grace the law and constitution of England.
Vindex condescends to allow the tythe to be
one great grievance under which the Irish
nation at present labours; and then artfully
pretends it is but a small part of them; hos
ping by this expedient of blending the tythes
with other matter, to draw off the attention
of your readers from that main grievance,
so far as to discourage them from
any wish
to reform it; but he ought to distinguish
between a grievance established by law; and

would be a proof of his wishing to avoid an
upputation he is ashamed of Vindex, whe
must be either a tythe gatherer, or employ
as their advocate, observes that bit would
Hi,
be superfluous to enter into any proof of the
of
common law right of tythes True, that is
the very evil complained of that the com
mon law should protect, a claim so inconsis
tent with the liberties,
England; a claim
founded on the impostures of popery; esta
blished by one, monarch as an atonement for
murder, and confirmed by another, to le

[ocr errors]

galize his own seizure of the property of the convents by dividing it among his Cour tiers. Vindex does not hesitate to say that he d doubts, whether any land proprie tor in the empire, can produce so venerable a title to his estate!!!" Admitting, that all our titles originated with William the Conqueror, subject to tythes previously established, landed estates are hereditaty; did he make church livings so? What parson can say he was born to such a rectory, or can claim it before the patron thinks proper to present him? Who are their patrons? Are they not the owners of the land, of the produce of which only, the parson can claim a tythe? And are not the clergy, servants of government appointed in aid of the laws, to prevent the inflictions of penalties by preaching religion and morality? Was government to adopt, and protect another national religion, for example the Presbyterian, which disclaims the right of tythes; what would become of it, if it was not transferred by law to the new ministers? And to whom would that property naturally devolve, but to the owners of the nine parts? In such case lay impropriations would be an exception, but the iniquity of the tenure would soon be commuted, either by church lands, or bought out by occupiers subject to it. So much for arguments about property, which are much too often pleaded by the clergy.--Vindex siys the Irish petitioners could have no Aght to what was not, and could not be conveyed by Wilham from the original gran tees Therefore, they pétition, and on the most reasonable ground, that they may recover a right to the produce of their own labour and talents, growing on their own estates, which is at present subject either to plunder or litigation. The quibble produced by Vindex, that it would be unjust to the elergy as well as to those who either sold of let land, subject to tythe which diminished the value of it, that the difference should go to the present proprietors and occupiers for which no consideration had been paid." It may be asked, what would they get but a property they were originally entitled to, and the satisfaction of being exonerated from an odious yoke from which almost all Eu rope is relieved, by the conviction that it originated from the priestcraft of Popery But, Vindex says, ***his arguments will apply equally, both to abolition and commuta tion, unfess commutation be adequate to the clergy, and still levied off the soil." He might with equal justice revive their original claim, which included all professions, trades; and merchandize, as well as the produce of the soil. In one of your former Registers,

Mr. Cobbett, you stated that annual produce. at one hundred and twenty millions, therefore, only set the rights of the clergy in the aggregate at double their claims on agriculture, their revenues would amount to twenty four millions annually, which compared with the quantum meruit of curacies at fifty pounds per annum in ten thousand parishes, would give only five hundred thousand, and leave a species of sinecure of upwards of twentythree millions in consideration of the same duty performed by curates! Undoubtedly lay tythes must be deducted from this calcu lation, still it is enormous and unmerited, and such an advocate as Vindex, had better drop the subject, who, with all his abilities has the modesty to call an attempt at an honourable conmutation, " PLUNDER," when that term may be applied with so much more justice, to tythe gathering-A LANDHOLDER. -Feb. 10, 1808.

OFFICIAL PAPERS.

Report of the Minister of IVar on the Measures taken by France under the present circumstances.-6th Jan.

(Concluded from p. 384.)

The necessity of shutting the ports of the continent against our irreconcileable enemy, and of having upon every point of attack considerable means, in or der to profit by any fortunate circumstances which might present themselves, to carry the war to the heart of England, Ireland, and the Indies, may render the levy of the conscription of 1809 necessary The party which rules at London has proclaimed the principle of eternal war, and the expedition to Copenhagen has revealer, its criminal intentions. Though the indignation of all Europe has been excited against Englandthough at no period France had such numerous armies, it is not dufficient--it is neces sary that English infiience should be attacked every where it cists, till the moment in which the sight of so many dangers shall induce England to drive from her counsels the Olygarchs who direct them, and to confide the administration to wise men, capable of conciliating the love and interest of the country with the love and interest of the human race.-A vulgar policy would have made your Majesty disarm; but' such a policy would be a scourge to France, and renpared.-Yes, Sire, your Majesty, far from der imperfect the great results you have prediminishing your arms, ought to augment them, till England shall have acki owledged the independence of all powers, and restored to the seas that tranquillity which your Majesty has ensured to the continer it. Un

« ПретходнаНастави »