by men outside Australia. The Australians themselves have given the world only brief descriptions of their social legislation and administration and have seldom attempted to appraise in any critical fashion the results of these experiments.

The chief reason for this neglect is doubtless the fact that until within the last few years Australian universities have given little attention to social and economic studies. The universities have been too largely patterned after Oxford or Cambridge and have not been well adapted to the needs of an energetic people seeking to develop the resources of a virgin land. It is, therefore, a good omen that within the last few years several graduates of the Australian universities have come to the United States to pursue graduate studies in the social sciences in American universities, and fortunate for all of us that they are turning the light of their new knowledge on their own problems which they naturally perceive with a keener insight than do the investigators from other lands.

Dr. Northcott has attempted something much more profound than an analysis of Australian methods of conciliation and arbitration. He has set himself the task of analyzing the entire social structure out of which these and other experiments in social legislation have grown. In the field of politics he finds the usual lines of party division lacking. In Australia the political lines are the same as the industrial ones, the employer and the employed. The Liberal party, made up for the most part of employers, landowners, and those persons whose business and social interests ally them to these classes, seeks to cure social evils by the development of a high standard of individuality. It stands apposed to the Labor party, which consists largely of trade unionists, but which also has a sprinkling of men of progressive views from among the intellectuals. The Labor party program of reform calls for "the overthrow of the present industrial system and its replacement by one in which economic equality will have been secured and poverty abolished." The strength of the Labor party has made the Liberal party much more "liberal" than is the corresponding party in the older countries. It encourages competition; it does not reject state socialism but wishes. to use it only to correct abuses, not to supersede individual enterprises.

The political separation of the two parties has been aided by the geographical distribution of the population. A vast continent with but a meager population nevertheless shows the same phenomenon familiar in Europe and the United States, viz., a tendency to concentration in large cities. Two-fifths of the people live in the capitals of the

six states. The result is that a wage-earning class, dependent on city industries, is set over against a country population devoted largely to pastoral pursuits and large-scale farming and interested in the maintenance of large land holdings. Dr. Northcott's account of the development of the Australian land-holding system and his discussion of its economic and social effects is one of the best with which the reviewer is acquainted. He rightly concludes that "the use of the unsettled lands is the most pressing problem facing the Australian people," and that in view of the world-situation it is not likely that the Australians will dare to allow those lands to remain unsettled. Dr. Northcott does not despair of the ultimate success of the Australian policy of determination that only the white races shall settle in tropical Australia, but he holds that to make this policy a practicable one the question of tropical hygiene must be scientifically studied, the lands wisely allocated, and sufficient railway communications with the coast must be secured.

Dr. Northcott agrees with the conclusions of most outsiders who have studied carefully the results of Australasian wage legislation and compulsory arbitration, that a great gain in social welfare has been made as a result of the establishment of a relatively high standard of living for the working population, but he shares the fear which has for several years been felt by arbitration court judges and administrative officials, as well as by employers in Australia, that trade-union teaching and practice both tend to a dangerous restriction of production. The trade-union leader's answer to this is that so long as industry is under the control of private capitalists with their tendency to exploit labor, laborers cannot give their best efforts to production. Recent experience with state ownership of clothing factories, abattoirs, and mines where public ownership was undertaken for the very purpose of bettering the condition of the workers has shown, however, that the tendency to restrict production still remains and is perhaps greater than under private management. A changed attitude on the part of the workers is essential if Australian progress is to continue in the future along the same lines as have made her social and industrial legislation notably successful in the past.

In the last two chapters of his book, entitled "The Meaning of Efficiency," and "A Program of Social Efficiency," Dr. Northcott attempts a restatement of the views of his teacher, Professor Giddings, on this subject and seeks to apply it to Australian conditions. Without questioning at all the soundness of these views, one may say that these chapters are the least original part of the book. It is seldom possible to

take a theory of social progress developed by a given thinker and apply it to a country whose social history and conditions differ widely from those of the country in which the theory itself was developed. Nevertheless Dr. Northcott does make valuable suggestions as to reforms which are needed in Australia in the fields of agriculture, land settlement, industrial relations, education, and legislation. Most of these suggestions are applicable to the United States as well as to Australia, although it is possible that the need for them is more appreciated, just at present, in this country than in Australia. The book contains a good but by no means complete bibliography and an index.

OHIO STATE UNIVERSITY

M. B. HAMMOND

The People's Part in Peace. By ORDWAY TEAD. New York: Henry Holt & Co., 1918. Pp. 156. $1.10.

This little book, published before the signing of the armistice, is designed by the author to bring before the people rather than before scholars "ideas and suggestions which are necessary to the securing of a permanent peace." Mr. Tead limits himself to a consideration of the economic issues involved in international reorganization, not because he is oblivious to other issues, but because he considers the economic question "of preponderantly greater importance." In addition to the Introduction, the chapter headings of the book are: "The League of Nations," "The Economic Guarantees of Peace," "International Labor Legislation," "The Basis of Representation," "The National Economy, "The Spiritual Guarantees of Peace."

The chapters on "The Economic Guarantees of Peace" and "The Basis of Representation" are especially suggestive, at least to the lay reader. Emphasis throughout is placed on the need, first, of a clear determination of international functions as distinguished from purely national functions, and second, the development of structures that will efficiently serve these functions. In this respect a plea is made for a scientific distribution of the world's raw materials, shipping, circulating capital, and labor supply, on the basis of "demonstrated need." Mr. Tead argues that international tribunals should be established to deal with these as well as with other international functions, and that representation to these tribunals should be made on the basis of distinct interests, rather than on the basis of nationality or the geographical unit. "The economic guarantees of peace lie in the direction of a

liberal world control of the essential problems that occasion ill-will, distrust, and war” (p. 70).

This little volume should be read by all those who still adhere to the old mercantilist theory and the policy of national isolation.

OHIO STATE UNIVERSITY

R. D. MCKENZIE

A League of Nations. Compiled by EDITH M. PHELPS. New York: H. W. Wilson Co., 1919. $1.50.

The League of Nations. By HORACE MEYER KALLEN. Boston: Marshall Jones Co., 1919. $1.50.

These are two timely books on a subject of vital current interest. The first is a collection of selected articles issued in "The Handbook Series." The first edition was published in December, 1918. This third edition has added material, including the text of the proposed constitution of the League of Nations, and President Wilson's speech accompanying the reading of the constitution. The volume contains a very helpful bibliography. The selections are classified under these headings: "The Historical Background"; "Organized Effort to Promote a League of Nations"; "A League of Nations Endorsed"; "Discussion." A further classification of the selections in the last group would have added greatly to the value of the book-something to indicate the attitude and point of the discussions.

Dr. Kallen's book was written shortly before the armistice. For a year or more "a body of men of affairs, university men and journalists, mostly editors, have given themselves to the collective consideration of the economic and political relations between states and peoples in so far as these have been factors in causing, and must be dealt with in ending, this civil war." A committee, consisting of Mr. Ralph S. Rounds, of the New York bar, and Dr. Kallen, "were designated to organize and conduct an investigation, of which the result is the present monograph." Starting with the vigorous assertion, "The League of Nations is inevitable," the author proceeds with a discussion of the organization of the League, every important phase of international relationship receiving recognition in the proposed organization:

I.

The International Council is the supreme organ of the League

2. The International Commissions on

a) Armaments

b) Industrial commerce, with subcommissions on (1) Raw materials; (2) Food; (3) Waterways; (4) Highways; (5) Airways; (6) Communications: (a) post, (b) cables, (c) telephones, (d) wireless; (7) Shipping

c) Central Africa

d) International finance, with two subcommissions on (1) International stabilization of credit; (2) Political loans and investments

e) Education

f) Undeveloped countries

g) International hygiene

h) Labor

3. The Ministry of the International Council, composed of the presiding officer of the International Council, together with the presiding officers of the International Commissions and Subcommissions and of the International Court

4. The International Court of twenty-five judges

Provision is made for the compensation of officers, for defining relations between officers and constituent states, for enforcement of decrees, for revenues, publicity, amendments, etc.

PACIFIC UNIVERSITY

ROBERT FRY CLARK

The Child's Unconscious Mind. By WILFRID LAY, PH.D. New York: Dodd, Mead & Co., 1919. Pp. 325. $2.00.

This book, written for parents and teachers, is built upon the hypothesis of psychoanalysis "that the unconscious portion of each human mind, child or adult, is an activity which plays an extremely important, if not an exclusively controlling, rôle in the life of every individual.” The author finds in the Freudian interpretations of the unconscious the explanation of the difficulties and failures of present educational practice and in the light of these psychoanalytic principles he constructs an educational program which utilizes the unconscious equipment of the mind and thus avoids the brutal repressions and labored performances of the average classroom. The teacher's unconscious cravings which so often hamper his success by antagonizing the child's inborn appetite for achievement is revealed as one of the chief problems of successful instruction. The author's attack upon the unreality of present education, its question-game atmosphere, is the most valuable part of the book; his prophecy regarding the future state-controlled family, from which the children will be removed between the ages of five and ten years to start on a series of migrations from home to home, will surely weaken the impression of the book upon the average parent and teacher.

His plea for the guidance of the neurotic child because of his future value for social progress as an originator of new ideas calls attention to a grievous fault in our present highly standardized school.