Social students will find in these two volumes the beginning and the evolution of the many movements for social and industrial betterment of the past century. We read of the Charity Organization Society developing from the small group about Octavia Hill, of the early efforts of the young Barnetts with the few in the great city of London who knew the tragic facts of the housing situation up to the present accomplishments of garden cities and government subsidies for local housing schemes. In these continuous experiences will be found inspiration for all who care for a new world.

The wide social horizon of the Barnetts is illustrated by two interesting bits from Volume II. In 1894 M. Clemenceau visited Toynbee Hall. Afterward he said: "While in England I saw but three really great men, and one was a pale clergyman in Whitechapel."

After one of Jane Addams' visits to England, in her relation to her hopes for international peace, she was under discussion by "four men, all so different that it makes their opinion of weight," Sir John Gorst, John Burns, Sidney Webb, and Canon Barnett all agreed that "she is the greatest man in America."

To the students of Oxford and Cambridge, Canon Barnett offered the opportunity at Toynbee "to learn the thought of the majority, the opinion of the English nation, to do something to weld classes into society." By his subtle force of personality he attracted original or earnest minds of all degrees, and turned their thoughts and faces toward the East End and its problems. His socialism would be scoffed at by the class-conscious socialist, as his Christianity was frowned at by his brothers in the Church of England. Yet he longed for a democratic civilization that was truly Christian. He tells of his young dream of going to America, and how that visit "knocked out of me all my Toryism." On every page is found his longing for equal opportunities for all people, especially for the children of the poor. His closing words in his letter to Mr. Horsfal are full of meaning in this day when a disquieted world is hoping and fearing. He says: "We have lived into times for which we hoped when we were young, times which are full of promise and full of danger. What is wanted are some people who will stop and look and tell us where we are, and where we are going."

This is the story of a modern mystic, whose spirituality expressed itself in simple common services for the neediest, through a philanthropy that believed in eliminating itself gradually by securing social legislation and making public service a religious and a patriotic duty.

UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO SETTLEMENT

MARY MCDOWELL

The New Social Order-Principles and Programs. By HARRY F. WARD. New York: Macmillan Co., 1919. Pp. vii+384.

$2.50.

Coming at a time when conservative public opinion in the United States is undergoing some healthy revision of its earlier drastic restrictions on liberal thought and speech, Professor Ward's book on The New Social Order is opportune. When leading men of all parties are beginning to see that the post-war reactionism has come perilously near forcing upon the nation the very violence of radicalism they had been hoping to avoid; and when there is beginning to be a saner willingness to give a fair American hearing at least to honest progressives trying to point out that the world still moves, it is to be hoped that the time is ripe for a statement of the most important programs of constructive reform now multiplying throughout the earth.

In this book Professor Ward courageously and expertly sets forth the principles and official programs of the more influential radical bodies and especially of those liberals who are taking Christian ethics seriously as a guide out of the present intolerable social conflicts.

In Part I, "The Principles of the New Social Order," the author expounds, from a Christian social point of view, the programs of the British Labor party, of the Russian soviet republic, of the League of Nations, of some movements in the United States, and of the churches. Under "Movements in the United States," Professor Ward analyzes the platforms of the Socialist party, the Independent Labor party launched last year at Chicago, the American Labor party of greater New York, the Non-Partisan League, the Canadian Council of Agriculture, the American Federation of Labor, the Berne Conference of Trade-Unionists and Socialists, the National Woman's Trade-Union League of America, and the Chamber of Commerce of the United States-with mention of others also. For the churches he presents with comments "The Social Creed"; formulated by the Federal Council of the Churches in 1908, and analyzes the recent important and official utterances of Councils of the Church of England, the English Church Socialist League, the London Friends, the American and Canadian Methodists, the American Catholics, and others. The list of the increasing exponents of a new moral order is significant.

This book contains the first synthetic analysis of the important forward-looking programs of our time, brought under the steady white light of Christian ethics and honestly faced with the question what they require the intelligent citizen to do.

Dissenting from certain points of the program presented, as at variance with the fundamental principles of justice and social sanity, Professor Ward, nevertheless, points out that, taken together, they constitute not only a consuming indictment of the present economic order, but an insistent prophecy of a better order to come-perhaps, if we are wise, at no very distant day. The spirit and reasoning of the book may be summed up in the following quotations. "The goal is, in broad terms, a fraternal world community, the great loving family of mankind, knit together by common needs but most of all by common loyalty to common ideals, and by the power of its common love efficiently directing and controlling its common life." To achieve a working approximation of this ideal Professor Ward relies upon free popular education. He says:

....

Many of the plain people are coming to understand something of the origin and development of society, to get some inkling of how its customs and authority, its beliefs and ideals have arisen in the past. As this knowledge becomes diffused, the goal of social development will become clearer not only to the seers and philosophers, but also to the common folk. . . . . Whatever struggle or pain or sacrifice is involved, brotherhood will be achieved. The principles and ideals which the peoples of the earth are gradually choosing as the center of a new order constitute a rational religion, the religion of democracy. . . . . The plain people are learning to discard the advice of the controlled press and think and act for themselves. . . . . In the new order service is the chosen privilege of free men who agree that they will seek the common development and jointly control themselves and the universe to that end. . . . One outstanding development of the war has been to strengthen the demand of the working class for freedom. . . . . The question is now whether this self-conscious, self-dependent working class is going to seek only freedom and power for itself or whether it will seek the emancipation and development of all humanity. . . . . “Above all nations is humanity." In the Western World there is only one answer to the armed dictatorship of the proletariat, on the one hand, or the forcible repression by the ruling class of all orderly attempts at fundamental economic change, on the other, and that is a war of extermination. . . . . Whether or not economic readjustment in the British Empire and the United States is to come by gradual and orderly change is for the people of property to say. If they put their trust in force they will finally meet force; if they rest their case on reason and justice they will be dealt with in reason and justice. . . . . Democracy is safe only when the strong exercise their strength for the common good, when they are leaders and not masters. . . . . The world needs to listen to all propaganda for a new order that does not advocate or involve the use of violence. If political democracy is afraid of the competition of ideas it thereby confesses that its case rests upon coercion,

....

that it is not democracy at all, but something else masquerading under that name. . . . . The experience of the war has heavily discounted among the workers that rigid state socialism which would set the political machine to run the economic life. What is more likely to develop is an amalgam of political and industrial organization working together in a joint control of the vital processes of society. The principles of democracy demand direct control of each economic function by all of those directly engaged in it, but each co-ordinating control of all the functions by all the people.

Through his debating days at Northwestern University and his ministry "back of the Yards" in Chicago, and his secretaryship of the Methodist Social Service Federation, and his later seminary professorships, Dr. Ward has been developing a very unusual fluency of speech, mental power, and moral insight that appear strikingly in this book. Although some of the chapters on the principles might well have been a little shorter and crisper, the style is always interesting, at times rising to natural and impressive eloquence; and the thought is throughout clear and weighty. This is one of the most important books for the citizen of this generation to read thoughtfully, and read at an early date. The matters dealt with are crowding fast upon us for wise control. C. J. BUSHNELL

TOLEDO UNIVERSITY

Mind and Conduct. By HENRY RUTGERS MARSHALL. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1919. Pp. ix+236. $1.75 net.

Dr. Marshall's interesting book is philosophy rather than scientific psychology. The author discusses, in the light of the hypothesis of a thoroughgoing psycho-physical parallelism, the relations of consciousness and behavior, the self, creativeness and ideals, freedom and responsibility, and, in the field of ethics, pleasure and pain, happiness, intuition and reason as guides to conduct.

While accepting a rigid or thoroughgoing correspondence of "noetic" and "neururgic" processes, even to the extent of denying that "there is any state of unconsciousness so long as life exists," Mr. Marshall escapes a thoroughgoing mechanistic conception of life and behavior by finding an element of creative spontaneity in all nature. This creative spontaneity is not confined to organic matter, but, in less degree, is a property of all matter. It is the source of variation and creative evolution throughout nature. No mystic view of this creative spontaneity is necessary, such as that it is due to an "entelechy," since mechanistic laws are abstractions which do not take in the total reality. From this

point of view some trenchant criticism is directed toward both mechanists and vitalists, as those terms are ordinarily understood. The mechanistic conception is scientific only so long as it is used merely as a method to describe certain aspects of behavior.

It follows that our consciousness of freedom, initiative, and creativeness is not an illusion. This consciousness is merely the subjective accompaniment of the objective process of creative spontaneity, which characterizes all nature and especially living organisms. The objective creativeness of life is accompanied by the subjective sense of creativeness. Self-determination through ideas and ideals is, therefore, not an illusion. New ideas and ideals are the most striking subjective manifestations of the creative process in human society, and are the means, together with their neural correlates, by which society makes most of its new adaptations. To ignore the significance of ideas and ideals in human conduct is accordingly a species of scientific folly.

The book is open to criticism at many points, but in spite of its defects it is to be commended as an essentially successful attempt, whether we accept its philosophy or not, to show how such processes as creativeness and ideals, freedom and responsibility, may be brought within the field of science. Mechanists and environmental determinists among the sociologists especially would do well to read the book. CHARLES A. ELLWOOD

UNIVERSITY OF MISSOURI

The Social Problem. By CHARLES A. ELLWOOD. (Revised edition.) New York: Macmillan Co., 1919. Pp. 416. $1.75. Professor Ellwood's books are invariably a social service in themselves. This book is a task of brokerage between our individual desire to understand synthetically the forces of the contemporary social movement and the great unrest, so all-confounding rationally and spiritually in its multifarious aspects, pressingly demanding the re-socialization of so many conflicting interests. The social kaleidoscope moves too blindingly fast even for the most alert and careful student of society. Bolshevism, guild socialism, the Labor party, the proletarian awakening in general-are they all arraigned against the old order, clearly and uncompromisingly? It is impossible to tell, for the new conscience is struggling and muddling through to the new world now by concession, now through revolt, frequently bloody and always tragic. When the socialist speaks of the passing of the anarchic economy, he forgets that our capitalists are not nebular hypotheses but right here in our midst, and that their