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As the revised Covenant still provided for a coalition, invested with powers for imperial domination, based on a "Victor's Peace," requiring discretionary action (diplomacy) in all important operations, and not simply a judicial institution following the scope of the Hague Conventions, to work almost automatically and without preference, as is set forth in this work, the writer published a “Memorandum on the Covenant" (Annex V), in the hope that it would be brought into closer conformity with the ideals, but no further revision was made.

The subjects which seem to Americans to be the most vital to them, are those concerning the maintenance of the Monroe Doctrine (Art. XXI) and the guarantee of the integrity of the Nations (Art. X). In regard to the former, attention is directed to the diminution of the importance that that Doctrine would have under a system of general disarmament (p. 30); and, as to the latter, to the complete protection that the sanction of isolation would afford to each independent state, large or small (pp. 31, 46 and 50), and the much greater ease with which backward nations could be forced from the outside to observe civilized conduct, than to enter their territories and attempt to regulate all of their actions.

As the Covenant embodies most of the plan of The League to Enforce Peace, the difficulties that might arise, were an attempt made to operate under it, would be largely those presented at page 37 et seq., regarding co-operation, the mobilization of armed forces, etc., upon the failure of voluntary submission by a nation. The provisions of the Covenant, too, are grossly defective, inasmuch as openings for war are left in it, and yet it marks no attempt to develop further rules of warfare.

Comments on the Draft Scheme for a Permanent Court are contained in Annex IX.

No discussion is undertaken of the "reservations" proposed by the Senate. The writer believes, with President Eliot, that they add nothing. The astute British diplomatists saw to it that the provisions of the Covenant should be unworkable whenever it was not to their interest to have them operate and injected reservations at every turn. We can avail ourselves of the same provisions, if that is our reason for having a Covenant. The difference in conduct is, that we are simple-mindedly emphasizing what we would probably refuse to do; while they, diplomatically, are reserving the expression of their intentions, so as to have double exits from which to choose in emergencies. A number of our Senators understood this and some of them doubtless discussed reservations in order to gain time for the public to become educated as to the "Covenant" and overcome the influence exerted by the short-visioned peace workers supported by their foundations.

Imperious grounds, independent of the reservations, for the rejection of The Covenant by America and almost all other nations, are set forth in Annex VII: "The Covenant as a Diplomatic Achievement," showing how the management of the League has been seized by one nation.

A warning should be expressed as to the application of the sanction of non-intercourse, or isolation. It has been suggested as a means to be employed by the Council to coerce Russia. No such employment of it is recommended by the writer. It could not stand the strain and such an

attempt might result in discrediting this measure which now many believe will prove to be the key to the accomplishment of disarmament. It should only be introduced at a time when a compulsory arbitration system and general disarmament are simultaneously established under an international convention supported by at least the greater part of the nations.

A profound consideration of the chapter on "Nonjusticiable Cases" is solicited; for both under the Covenant and the report of the Jurists' Advisory Committee, prepared at The Hague, the assumption continues that there must be such cases; and yet in neither is provision made for the compulsory adjustment of them. If so, armaments must be continued to care for them-unlimited armaments, for no nation will stop short of its utmost, if necessary for success-and conventions will be meaningless. Germany, however, is bound to submit her grievances of whatever class to arbitration, as she is not to be allowed to arm (generally); and yet the Allies feel, that she will not thereby be deprived of justice. Is not the sentiment of the people of all countries, now animated for a League, strong enough to induce them to also assume this risk?

Thus far, the writer has not been advised that the sanction of non-intercourse as an organized means among nations to enforce compliance with law, was ever suggested before his advocacy of it, despite the rule of historical recurrences. Some one has referred to the scheme of Jean Jacques Rousseau in his essay on Perpetual Peace, as having comprised this idea; but, while Rousseau provided, in Article III, that the League should put the refractory nation "under the ban," in the following

Article, he showed that he had no conception of an economic restraint, for he added that the States should then unite to attack it.

On the day that this book was copyrighted, Aug. 17, 1917, the New York Times published a translation of "The Pope's Proposal," made from the French by the U. S. State Department, the gist of which, identical with this plan and probably taken from the report of the Rouen Peace Congress (1903), is contained in the following paragraph:

"First, the fundamental point must be that the material force of arms shall give way to the moral force of right, whence shall proceed a just agreement of all upon the simultaneous and reciprocal decrease of armaments, according to rules and guarantees to be established, in the necessary and sufficient measure for the maintenance of public order in every State, then, taking the place of arms, the institution of arbitration, with its high pacifying function, according to rules to be drawn in concert and under sanctions to be determined against any State which would decline either to refer international questions to arbitration or to accept its awards."

The operation of The League in the first session of the Assembly has but demonstrated the defects set forth in the Annexes. Comment on it would only be to repeat them and call attention anew to the principles set forth in this book.

At a time when indications point so favorably to the adoption of almost the whole "Plan" advocated in this work, the writer may be excused from referring to the men

tal anguish that he suffered during the many years preceding the war that he urged it, both here and in Europe, because of his confidence in its efficacy to ward off the calamity of war, but impotence to interest more than a few isolated persons in it, although the character of those few was such as to give him redoubled assurance of the correctness of his views. At the time of its publication and distribution in the present form, in 1917, its adoption would not only have assured to America her main object in the war and, as urged on page 50, saved the immense waste, estimated, with loans to the Allies, at nearly forty billion dollars, to her alone, with gigantic interest and pension obligations and untold economic distress, but the immeasurable loss of fifty thousand lives overseas, another fifty thousand disabled by shell-shock and seventyfive thousand by tuberculosis, to say nothing of other diseases and demoralization or of privations and infection bringing even death to those at home.

From that date on, the writer feels, that the Central Powers would willingly have adopted it; and, for many months thereafter, the Allies, now uncontrollable in their demands, could, at any time, have been persuaded to accept it under the risk of losing America's support. Finally, had the President but remained at home and insisted upon a treaty and convention in accordance with the "Wilson Points," it would have been to have achieved the "Plan" and have saved the awful physical sufferings that Europe has since been compelled needlessly to bear.

When those opportunities appeared and were passed without being seized, that anguish was intensified, but only endured through the contemplation that it was "the way of the World"-"Eyes have they, but they see not."

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