and its effect upon the Convention was but temporary. Senators Mantle, of Montana, and Brown, of Utah, and A. F. Burleigh, of Washington, all Silver delegates, explained why they did not leave the Convention, and the order of the presentation of Presidential aspirants was taken up. John W. Baldwin, of Iowa, presented the name of Senator William B. Allison; Henry Cabot Lodge, of Massachusetts, that of Thomas B. Reed; Chauncey M. Depew, of New York, that of Levi P. Morton; Governor J. B. Foraker and Senator John M. Thurston that of William McKinley, and Governor Hastings, of Pennsyl vania, that of Mathew Stanley Quay. The only ballot taken resulted as follows:

For Vice-President William G. Buckley, of Connecticut; Garret A. Hobart, of New Jersey; Charles Warren Lippitt, of Rhode Island; Henry Clay Evans, of Tennessee, and General James A. Walker, of Virginia, were proposed. The ballot gave Hobart, 5332; Evans, 2772; Buckley, 39; Walker, 24, and Lippitt, 8.

The Michigan delegates to the Convention were: At LargeRussell A. Alger, Thomas J. O'Brien, John Duncan, Mark S. Brewer. By Districts (1) David Meginnity, Freeman B. Dickerson; (2) James T. Hurst, Edward P. Allen; (3)Hamilton King. E. O. Grosvenor; (4) Frank W. Wait, Richard B. Messer; (5) Gerritt J. Diekema, William H. Anderson; (6) William McPherson, George W. Buckingham; (7) John L. Starkweather, William II. Aitken; (8) Oliver L. Spaulding. Theron W. Atwood; (9) Charles H. Hackley, Edgar G. Maxwell; (10) Temple Emery, J. Frank Eddy; (11) Edgar P. Babcock, Charles L. Crandall; (12) James McNaughton, Charles E. Miller. They gave McKinley their entire 28 votes. For Vice-President they gave Hobart 21 and Evans 7.

The speeches in the Convention turned largely upon the deplorable results of four years of Democratic rule, which were fairly summed up by Senator Wolcott, upon taking the chair. The following paragraphs were a portion of his remarks:

The appalling result of the President's policy is still fresh in the memory of millions, who suffered from it. In four years the country

witnessed 60,000 commercial failures. with liabilities aggregating more than nine hundred millions of dollars. One hundred and seventy-seven railroads, with a mileage of 45,000 miles, or twice the circle of the globe, and with securities amounting to nearly three billion of dollars, were unable to meet their interest charges and passed into the hands of receivers. More than 170 National banks closed their doors, with liabilities reaching seventy millions; wool and all farm products which tariffs could affect, lost tens of millions in value; farm mortgages were foreclosed by thousands throughout the great West; our agricultural exports shrunk in value; the balance of trade which had been in our favor, turned ruinously against us; the National Treas ury was depleted of its gold reserve; our government bonds were sold to syndicates at far below their market value before or since, and our steadily declining revenues were insufficient to meet the neces sary expense of conducting the Government.

If capital alone had suffered, the loss would have been great, but not irremediable. Unfortunately those who rely upon their daily labor for their sustenance, and their families dependent upon them, constituting the great mass of the American people, were made to feel heaviest this burden of disaster. Nearly one-third of the laboring population of the United States were thrown out of employment, and men by thousands, able and willing to labor, walked the highways of the land clamoring for work or food.

Mr. McKinley's reply to the committee appointed to notify him of his nomination laid particular stress upon the tariff and currency questions, his chief utterances upon these points being as follows:

Protection and reciprocity, twin measures of a true American policy, should again command the earnest encouragement of the Government at Washington. The Government must raise enough money to meet both its current expenses and increasing needs. Its revenues should be so raised as to protect the material interests of our people, with the lightest possible drain upon their resources. A failure to pursue this policy has compelled the government to borrow money in a time of peace to sustain its credit and pay its daily expenses. This policy should be reversed, and that, too, as speedily as possible. It must be apparent to all, regardless of past party ties or affiliations, that it is our paramount duty to provide adequate revenue for the expenditures of the Government, economically and prudently administered. The National credit, which has thus far fortunately resisted every assault upon it, must and will be upheld and strengthened. If sufficient revenues are provided for the support of the Government there will be no necessity for borrowing money and increasing the public debt. The complaint of the people is not against the Administration for borrowing money and issuing bonds to preserve the credit of the country, but against the ruinous policy

which has made this necessary. It is but an incident, and a necessary one, to the policy which has been inaugurated. The inevitable effect of such a policy is seen in the deficiency of the United States Treasury, except as it is replenished by loans, and in the distress of the people who are suffering because of the scant demand for either their labor or the products of their labor. Here is the fundamental trouble, the remedy for which is Republican opportunity and duty. During the years of Republican control following resumption there was a steady reduction of the public debt, while the gold reserve was sacredly maintained and our currency and credit preserved without depreciation, taint, or suspicion. If we would restore this policy that brought us unexampled prosperity for more than thirty years under the most trying conditions ever known in this country, the policy by which we made and bought goods at home and sold more abroad, the trade balance would be quickly turned in our favor and gold would come to us and not go from us in the settlement of all such balances in the future. The money of the United States, and every kind or form of it, whether of paper, silver, or gold, must be as good as the best in the world. It must not only be current at its full value at home, but it must be counted at par in any and every commercial center of the globe. The dollar paid to the farmer, the wageearner, and the pensioner must continue forever in equal purchasing and debt-paying power to the dollar paid to any Government creditor. The platform adopted by the Republican National Convention has received my careful consideration and has my unqualified approval. It is a matter of gratification to me, as, I am sure, it must be to you, and Republicans everywhere, and to all our people that the expression of its declaration of principles is so direct, clear and emphatic.

His letter of acceptance was devoted mainly to the currency question, but that was preceded and followed by the enunciation of his views on nearly all pending questions in short speeches addressed to various visiting delegations at his home in Canton, Ohio, where he remained throughout the campaign. The candidate for Vice-President, Mr. Hobart, confined his participation in the campaign mainly to his letter of acceptance, which accepted the platform and briefly discussed pending issues.

XXXVI.

THE SIXTEEN TO ONE CAMPAIGN.

The Democratic Convention-The Free Silver Coinage Men Aggressive and Confident-A Free Silver Triumph in Choice of Temporary President and in the Platform-That Announcement of Principles Afterwards Modified by the Committee-Bryan's Taking Speech and His Nomination-Accepted by the Populists and the Free Silver Republicans-Interest of the Business Men in the Campaign-McKinley and Hobart Elected With a Republican Congress.

The sentiment in favor of the free coinage of silver at the ratio of 16 to 1 was quite strong in the Democratic party, and at this time it was reinforced by the belief that by a combination with the Populists and the Silver Republicans, that party might again carry the election and share in the spoils of office. Many of the Silver Republicans and some of the Populists were Protectionists. For this reason the Democrats chose to keep that issue as far as possible in the background, and make the campaign on the Silver question. They miscalculated in two directions-by overestimating the number of Silver Republicans that would come to the combination, and by underestimating the extent of the revolt of Sound Money Democrats from the new and un-Democratic doctrine.

Their Convention commenced at Chicago, July 7, and found the Silver men confident, aggressive and ready to push the fight from the start. The National Committee had recommended David Bennett Hill, of New York, for temporary Chairman of the Convention. The Free Silver men antagonized him with John W. Daniel, of Virginia and won by a vote of 556 to 349. Twenty-six States voted solidly for Daniels as follows: Alabama, Arkansas, California, Colorado, Georgia, Idaho, Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Kansas, Kentucky, Louisiana, Mississippi, Missouri, Nevada, North Carolina, North Dakota, Ohio, Gregon, South Carolina, Tennessee, Texas, Utah, Virginia and Wyoming, all, it will be noticed, Southern or Western States.

Senator Daniel, on taking the chair, mingled profound gratitude for the honor conferred upon him, with regret that his name should have been brought in even the most courteous competition with his distinguished friend, Senator Hill, who, however, would recognize the fact that there was no personality in the matter. It was solely due to the principle which the great majority of the Democrats stood for, Mr. Daniel standing with them. As the majority of the Convention was not personal in its aims, neither was it sectional. It began with the sunrise in Maine and spread into a sunburst in Louisiana and Texas. It stretched, in unbroken lines across the continent from Virginia and Georgia to California. It swept like a prairie fire over Iowa and Kansas, and it lighted up the horizon in Nebraska. After this flight of oratory Mr. Daniel continued with an argument in favor of free silver and against a gold standard.

On the second day Stephen M. White, of California, another Silver man, was named as permanent President, and contested delegate seats from Michigan and Nebraska were settled in favor of Silver delegates. Meantime the Committee on Resolutions were having hot work over the platform. The Silver men were determined upon a declaration so unequivocal as to ensure the co-operation of the Populists and Free Silver Republicans, while the men who favored a gold standard desired such modification, in phraseology at least, as would prevent a break in the party. The outcome was a majority and a minority report, the former read by Senator Jones, of Arkansas, and the latter by J. H. Wade, of Ohio.

It was the Democrats now, and not the Republicans, who had come to the parting of the ways. The fiery Southerner, Senator Tillman, of South Carolina, made a strong speech favoring the majority report, and denouncing the Administration in the bitterest terms. He brought out the sectional feature of the question with such emphasis that Senator Jones, of Arkansas, thought it advisable to declare that free silver coinage was not sectional, but National, and, as a cause, had adherents in every State in the Union. Senator Hill, of New York, vigorously opposed the majority report, but in accordance with his declaration made under trying circumstances, "I am a Democrat," indicated that he should abide by the action of the Convention. Senator Vilas, of Wisconsin, a member of Cleveland's first Cabinet, followed in an eloquent and pathetic address deploring the step which the party was about to take. Ex-Governor William E. Russell, of Massachusetts, followed in a speech which reminded his hearers of