inconvenience was experienced. "But when, from three, their original number, they increased to seven, the excitement towards power introduced a spirit of party; and philosophers were induced to pass the limits of their accomplishments, to maintain an illgraced rivalry in the arts of political intrigue. But there was another source of contention: the frequent and fatal visitations to which the metropolis was subject, in those times, from the plague, made the fellows provide against any great or sudden diminution of their number, by the appointment of a sort of associate fellows, called probationers, who were to succeed, by seniority, to the vacant fellowships, as they might occur. By this plan, there were always persons of accredited qualifications, to supply such losses in the superior ranks of the corporation, as, from remaining unfilled, would be productive of inconvenience or delay in the collegiate proceedings. Those probationers were nine in number; and, in course of time, not being content with expectancy, founded upon casualties, began to assume the name, and insist upon enjoying the privileges, of a fellow; especially that important one, of a vote in the election of provost. In the propriety of those claims, the regular fellows could not be persuaded to acquiesce; and as the former persisted in their demands, the college was degraded into an arena of disputed rights and controverted decisions.' The end of this was, that recourse was had to the sovereign authority, and the charter was formally surrendered into the hands of the King, who, in the year 1637, granted a new one, accompanied by a body of statutes, framed by Archbishop Laud, upon the model of the existing codes of the Cambridge University. Dr William Chappel was provost at this time, and incurred much odium for the part which he acted, as well in procuring the new charter, as in his general misgovernment of the University. He was afterwards promoted to the bishoprick of Cork, and his conduct became a subject of parliamentary enquiry, which was suspended until it was forgotten, by the troubles which almost immediately ensued, when the kingdom was again convulsed by civil war in all its

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horrors, and aggravated by features of remorseless cruelty, such as never before stained the annals of the most atrocious barbarians.

The condition of the Irish, almost from the period when the English first obtained a footing in the country, was most unfavourable to improvement and civilization. A system of confiscation the most extensive, the most arbitrary, and the most capricious, that has ever been heard of in any age or nation, rendered all property insecure. The natives were slaves to the heads of their respective septs, who were themselves dependent on masters almost as much removed from the character of freemen. "The Irish had always been considered, not as subjects, but as aliens, and even as enemies, out of the protection of the law; in consequence whereof all marriages and alliances with them, and even commerce, were prohibited, and they might be oppress ed, spoiled, and killed by the English, at pleasure, not being allowed to bring any action, nor any inquisition lying for the murder of an Irishman. This made it impracticable for them to exercise any commerce, or settle in any town; but forced them to stand on their defence, to fly to the moun◄ tains, and there live in a barbarous manner, in a slavish dependence on their lords, to whom they had recourse for protection. These lords governed them according to the Brehon law, in a very arbitrary, as well as oppressive manner, punishing them at their pleasure, taking coigne and livery of them, which made the land waste and the people idle; and by their cosherings, sessings of the kerne, cuttings, tollages, and spendings, reducing the common sort to a state of absolute slavery, and to a necessity of following their chiefs whenever they pleased to rebel. For they had no estates of freehold or inheritance, nor any security of enjoying what belonged to them, their wives as well as their goods being liable at any time to be taken away at the pleasure of their lords, who were, after all, in as precarious a state with regard to their succession, as their vassals with respect to their possessions." Thus had the English sown the wind, and is it surprising that they should have reaped the whirlwind? Even the

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plantation by James, which was intended and calculated to correct these abuses, was not carried into effect, without giving rise to great and serious complaints, and causing curses, not loud but deep," to be uttered against its projectors. The King's intentions were excellent, but his instructions were not sufficiently precise to prevent many instances of flagrant and flagitious injustice. "Several persons" (Carte, vol. i. p. 25) were turned out of large estates of profitable land, and had only a small pittance, less than a fourth part, assigned them, for it is barren ground. Twenty-five proprietors, most of them O'Ferrals, were dispossessed of their all, and nothing allotted them for compensation; and, in certain cases, the resentment of the old possessors was raised the higher, because the lands taken from them were given to those who had none before, and even to some that had been rebels and traitors." When to these causes is added, the religious hatred which had newly sprung up, and which was aggravated and inflamed by the insulting and vexatious proceedings of a puritanical parliament, it will not be thought very surprising, that a people, reduced to barbarism, maddened and inflamed by injustice and cruelty, and worked upon by the passionate representations of their spiritual guides, by whom they were taught to believe that, by the destruction of the English, they would be doing God a service, were wrought up to a pitch of frenzy, in which all the energies of their nature, both good and bad, were absorbed into a kind of instinct for vengeance, which could alone have qualified them for the demoniacal barbarities which they perpetrated, and which have made the memory of that atrocious rebellion accursed and execrable to all posterity.

Such was the country, such were the people, amongst whom the seat of learning, checked as it was by a series of untoward events, was proceeding gradually towards that majestic elevation which it afterwards attained, and in virtue of which it became the most efficient instrument of national improvement. As the new charter essentially altered the constitution of the college, it deserves to be particularized. The right of appointing the provost was reserved to the crown, and the

office itself was enlarged from a tenure of seven years from the time of obtaining the degree of master of arts, to an optional tenancy for life. The number of fellows was augmented to sixteen; the seven existing fellows being constituted senior, and the nine probationers junior fellows. The government of the college was entrusted to the former, while the duty of the latter consisted chiefly in preparing the students for quarterly examinations. Upon a vacancy occurring among the senior fellows, it was to be filled up three days after it was made known, by the provost and the major part of the surviving senior fellows; and vacancies amongst the junior fellows, or scholars, were to be filled up by the provost and the major part of the senior fellows on the Monday after the Trinity Sunday next ensuing. The power of forming statutes for the government of the university, which had been conferred by the original charter upon the provost and fellows, was withdrawn, and reserved to the King; in cases omitted to be provided for, a permission being conceded to the provost and senior fellows to institute laws, which, if confirmed by the visitors, and not repugnant to those presented by the King, should remain in force, until the board, with the consent of the visitors, should think proper to rescind them. The visitorial power was confined to the Chancellor, or the Vice-Chancellor, and the Archbishop of Dublin. While we recognize the propriety of limiting the hands in which this power was lodged, and which was, in fact, rendered inefficient from the multitude who share it, we cannot but lament the marked incivility offered to the city in the deprivation of the Lord Mayor, from whom, if but little assistance could be expected, little obstruction need be apprehended, in the administration of collegiate justice; and whose presence would not have been more gratifying to civic pride, than pleasing to every friend of letters, as a testimony of the gratitude entertained for civic liberality, by the founders of the University.

Such were the principal alterations and modifications effected by the new charter in the constitution of the college, at a time when all those who were devoted to the arts of peace, or the pursuits of literature, were about to be scattered as sheep not having a

shepherd. The provost, by whose instrumentality these changes were chiefly brought about, was obliged to fly into England, where shortly after he died; but not before he had been exceedingly harassed by the vexatious proceedings of the Irish parliament. The venerable Bedell, who had been Provost of the University, and was at that time Bishop of Kilmore, fell into the hands of the rebels, "and the barbarous people shewed him no small kindness." It is indeed beautiful to behold, amidst the scenes of carnage and devastation which every where presented themselves, the sweetness and benignity of the sage, and the calm and holy composure of the saint, effectually mitigating and disarming his savage and sanguinary assailants. Bedell was treated by the insurgents, during his compulsory sojourn with them, with the most gratifying attention and the most marked respect; and when, at length, his anxiety for the fate of his friends, and the state of the country, brought on the illness of which he died, they flocked from all parts to his funeral, and loud and tumultuous were the expressions of vehement sorrow amidst which his remains were deposited in the grave.

The year 1647 was memorable for the arrival of the Parliamentary commissioners, who were appointed to settle the political differences, and to adjust religious affairs according to the standard then deemed orthodox in England. One of their first acts was to forbid the use of the English liturgy; and although the clergy very generally complied with their interdict, the college resolutely refused to discontinue their accustomed form of prayer; and "Anthony Martin, who was also Bishop of Meath, persisted in reading it, and actually preached against the innovating spirit of the times, with an apostolic freedom, that nothing but the conscientious sense of what he conceived a sacred duty could have inspired. The people, who never feel so deeply the power of religion as in times of persecution, resorted thither in great numbers, and delighted to hear his fearless and impressive exhortations. His conduct will appear the more exemplary, when it is known that the plague was then consuming

those whom the sword had spared." Nothing, however, could induce him to desist from the public exercise of his functions; and he fell the lamented victim of that dreadful distemper, after having, during the space of three years, contended for what he conceived to be the truth, with a firmness that made his enemies respect the man, whom their power could not overawe, and whom the adversity of his cause could not deter from its perilous vindication. The vacancy occasioned by his death gave the Parliament an opportunity of appointing Samuel Winter, chaplain to the commissioners, to the important trust of presiding over the University, which, during his continuance in office, he modelled so as to meet the approbation of his patrons; and it, in consequence, became a school of polemic controversy, instead of an institution of peaceful religion and the sciences."'

In 1649, Cromwell visited Ireland, and the effect of his character, and his measures, in subduing whatever opposed his high pleasure, is described, in a few words, with very great power, by Mr Taylor. He says,

"So impetuous, sanguinary, and successful were his military enterprises, that the traditionary character which he bears amongst the native Irish, even at the present day, partakes less of the splendid fame of the able chieftain than of the ghastly renown of a destroying spirit; and he is remembered, not as an armed missionary of a civilized cause, but as a being possessing a preternatural love and power of destruction."

He seemed, as Grattan said of the Earl of Charlemont, "to cast upon the crowd that followed him, the gra cious shade of his own accomplishments, so that the very rabble grew civilized as it approached his person.'

To Cromwell, however, is the college indebted for the valuable accession of the library of Archbishop Usher. That great and good man was compelled to fly the country His property was confiscated, and he himself reduced to the greatest distress. He had, like his great contemporary Milton, fallen on "evil days and evil tongues;" and felt, probably, some regret that he gave, at one period of his

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life, too much countenance to the party by whom he was now proscribed. After his death, the Parliament, to mark their sense of his merits and sufferings, settled a pension of L.500 ayear on his family. A new and a valuable edition of his voluminous works, is, we are happy to say, at present in the press, and will shortly make its appearance, under the auspices of the present excellent and learned King's Professor of Divinity to the University, Dr Elrington.

At the Restoration, the Puritanical fellows were ejected, and their places supplied chiefly from Oxford and Cambridge; the cultivation of learning having been so much discouraged by the repeated calamities which had befallen the College that few of its own members were considered eligible to any of its high places. Dr Thomas Seele, a native of Dublin, was, however, appointed Provost, and discharged his important duties in a manner which fully justified the discriminatory selection of those by whom he was promoted.

It was the good fortune of Ireland to be governed at this period by the illustrious Duke of Ormond. He had proved his capacity both in the arts of peace and the conduct of war; and remained true to his principles in despite of the terrors of power and the blandishments of seduction. He was the friend of Clarendon, and had been the companion of Charles in his exile; and when his royal master, for whom he had sacrificed his all, was placed on the throne, favours were showered upon him such as in some sort compensated his previous losses and sufferings; and, what he valued above every other consideration, enabled him, once more, to employ his noble mind, and exert his various talents, in the service of his king and for the advantage of the kingdom. He was, perhaps, the only living individual who could have so happily reconciled all the conflicting interests involved in the Irish Act of Settlement; and, by his wisdom, his decision, his promptitude, and his authority, produced that acquiescence in its provisions, which secured the present peace, and eventually ensured the future prosperity, of Ireland.

It was by his influence that Dr Jeremy Taylor was promoted to the bishoprick of Down and Connor, and

appointed Vice Chancellor of the University. The name of this venerable man hallows the page on which it appears, and causes the humble aspirant after Christian excellence to experience a mingled emotion of gratitude, humility, reverence, and love. How poor is the fame of the conqueror, how fading the renown of the legislator, compared with the deep emotions which are experienced towards him who has sacrificed all that this world holds dear, to the still dearer privilege of walking humbly with his God, and who, by his self-renouncing tenderness of heart and "earth-despising dignity of soul," at once exemplifies and recommends the gospel!

That such a man should have been, at such a time, appointed to such a station, seems little short of an interference of Providence in behalf of the University. He was a miracle of holiness, as well as a prodigy of learning and genius; and the whole energies of his mind and heart were immediately applied to assuage the bitterness. of controversy, and to repair the ravages of war. His first sermon preached before the University is thus characterised by Bishop Heber:-"I am not acquainted with any composition of human eloquence which is more deeply imbued with a spirit of practical holiness,-which more powerfully attracts the attention of men from the subtilties of theology to the duties and charities of religion,--or which evinces a more lofty disdain of those trifling subjects of dispute, which, then or since, have divided the Protestant churches."

"The way," says Taylor, " to judge of religion, is by doing our duty and theology is rather a divine life than a divine knowledge. In heaven, indeed, we must first see, and then love; but here, on earth, we must first love, and love will open our eyes as well as our hearts; and we shall then see, and perceive, and understand."

Thus it was that he endeavoured to tranquillize the minds and purify the affections of those who had but too much perplexed themselves by "foolish and unlearned questions that engendered strife," and too frequently, in their contests for faith, lost sight of charity. By holding in view the end of religion, namely, holiness of life and conversation, he was preserved from having recourse to any undue

means of arriving at it; whereas others, who begin by considering the means,' not unfrequently lose sight of the end; and thus are led to a violation of what is not only a virtue itself, but "the very bond of peace and of all virtues." Such was, most deplorably, the case while the Puritans were invested with academic power. They seemed to think that thorns would produce figs, and that from a bramble bush they might gather grapes: And no one assuredly was so well calculated to correct this fatal error as the author of "Holy Living and Dying;" neither was there any one, who was more qualified by temper or pledged by principle, to do so with moderation, and a tender regard for the scruples of others, than the author of the "Liberty of Prophesying," who, in forbearing to persecute his adversaries, was but exemplifying the principles for which he had always contended, and "doing to others as he would that they should do unto him."

It was the Duke of Ormond's policy to confer the dignities and the benefices of the Irish Church, when they could be fairly so conferred, on Irishmen, educated in the Dublin University, as well for the better encouragement of learning in that institution as for the general advantage of the Irish Church. "It is fit to be remember ed," he says, in one of his letters to the Secretary of State, "that near this city there is a university of the foundation of Queen Elizabeth, principally intended for the education and advantage of the natives of this kingdom, which hath produced men very eminent for learning and piety, and those of this nation, and such there are now in the Church, so that, while there are such, the passing them by is not only, in some measure, a violation of the original intention and institution, but a great discouragement to the natives from making themselves capable and fit for preferment in the Church, whereunto, if they have equal parts, they are better able to do service than strangers. The promotion, too, of the already dignified or beneficed, will make room for, and, consequently, encourage young men, students in the University; which room will be lost, and the inferior clergy much disheartened, if, upon the vacancy of bishopricks, persons unknown to the kingdom and University, shall be sent to

fill them, and be less useful there to Church and kingdom than those who are better acquainted with both." Such was the opinion of this illustrious man at a time when the University of Dublin was far less capable of supplying the Irish Church with an efficient and an educated clergy than it is at present. Indeed the cultivation and encouragement of learning, in all its branches, entered largely into his plans of national improvement. With this view, a clause was introduced into the Act of Settlement, empowering_the erection of another college; and thus, by the competition which would take place between the sister institutions, each would be stimulated to exertions by which both would be materially advantaged. We fully agree with Mr Taylor, that " had the plan been carried into effect, there can be no doubt but it must have proved highly beneficial to the country; and although the present college might not, in that case, be so very opulent as it is, yet it would have a character better known, and, of course, more valued in the empire: the rivalry which would naturally exist between the two institutions, could not fail to raise the reputation of both; the pride of advancing their respective colleges would inspire the members individually with the zeal of letters beyond what can exist in a solitary establishment; the several professors would feel the incumbent necessity of pushing their labour further than the discharge of their daily duty required; their learning would guide them into the region of discovery." "The splendid individual exceptions which we now see, would form the general rule, and the literature of the country would share in the prosperous fame of its University."

Mr Taylor, however, should be informed, that, for the realization of all these desirable advantages, more than the mere establishment of a second college would be required. The University, as at present constituted, must rather be considered a school for the instruction of youth, than an institution for the advancement of learning. For the one purpose it is admirably calculated; for the other, scarcely at all. The Board are fully occupied by the business of its government; the junior fellows, by the instruction of their pupils; and the scholars,