greater question lies behind, Will the people support him in it Is it the result of the good sense of the Northern people, that the question shall have neither rest nor quiet, but shall be constantly kept up as a topic of agitation? I cannot decide this question for the people, but leave them to decide it for themselves.

And now, Gentlemen, this is a serious question, whether the Constitution can be maintained in part, and not as a whole; whether those interested in the preservation of one part of it, finding their interests in that particular abandoned, are not likely enough, according to all experience of human feeling and human conduct, to discard that portion which was introduced, not for their benefit, but for the benefit of others. That is the question. For one, I confess I do not see any reasonable prospect of maintaining the Constitution of the United States unless we maintain it as a whole, impartially, honorably, patriotically. Gentlemen, I am detaining you too long; but allow me a few words on another subject by way of illustration.

The Constitution of the United States consists in a series of mutual agreements or compromises, one thing being yielded by the South, another by the North; the general mind having been brought together, and the whole agreed to, as I have said, as a series of compromises constituting one whole. Well, Gentlemen, who does not see that? Had the North no particular interest to be regarded and protected? Had the North no peculiar interest of its own? Was nothing yielded by the South to the North? Gentlemen, you are proud citizens of a great commercial State. You know that New York ships float over the whole globe, and bring abundance of riches to your own shores. You know that this is the result of the commercial policy of the United States, and of the commercial power vested in Congress by the Constitution. And how was this commerce established? by what constitutional provisions, and for whose benefit? The South was never a commercial country. The plantation States were never commercial. Their interest always was, as they thought, what they think it to be now, free trade, the unrestricted admission of foreigners in competition in all branches of business with our own people. But what did they do? They agreed to form a government that should regulate commerce according to the wants and wishes of the Northern States, and when the Constitution went into operation, a commercial sys

tem was actually established, on which has risen up the whole glory of New York and New England. How was this effected? What did Congress do under a Northern lead with Southern acquiescence? What did it do? It protected the commerce of New York and the Eastern States, by preference, by discriminating tonnage duties; and that higher duty on foreign ships has never been surrendered to this day except in consideration of a just equivalent; so, in that respect, without grudging or complaint on the part of the South, but generously and fairly, not by way of concession, but in the true spirit of the Constitution, the commerce of New York and the New England States was protected by the provision of the Constitution to which I have referred. But that is not all.

Friends! fellow-citizens! men of New York! does this country not now extend from Maine to Mexico, and beyond? Have we not a State beyond Cape Horn, belonging nevertheless to us as part of our commercial system? And what does New York enjoy? What do Massachusetts and Maine enjoy? They enjoy an exclusive right of carrying on the coasting trade from State to State, on the Atlantic, and around Cape Horn to the Pacific. And that is a highly important branch of business, and a source of wealth and emolument, of comfort and good living. Every man must know this, who is not blinded by passion or fanaticism. It is this right to the coasting trade, to the exclusion of foreigners, thus granted to the Northern States, which they have ever held, and of which, up to this time, there has been no attempt to deprive them; it is this which has employed so much tonnage and so many men, and given support to so many thousands of our fellow-citizens. Now what would you say, in this day of the prevalence of notions of free trade, -what would you say, if the South and the Southwest were to join together to repeal this law? And they have the votes to do it to-morrow. What would you say if they should join hands and resolve that these men of New York and New England, who put this slight on their interest, shall enjoy this exclusive privilege no longer? that they will throw it all open, and invite the Dane, the Swede, the Hamburgher, and all the commercial nations of Europe who can carry cheaper, to come in and carry goods from New York coastwise on the Atlantic, and to California, on the Pacific? What would you say to that?

Now, Gentlemen, these ideas may have been often suggested before, but if there is any thing new in them I hope it may be regarded. But what was said in Syracuse and in Boston? It was this: "You set up profit against conscience; you set up the means of living: we go for conscience." That is a flight of fanaticism, and all I have to answer is, that if what we propose is right, fair, just, and stands well with a conscience not enlightened with those high flights of fancy, it is none the worse for being profitable; and that it does not make a thing bad which is good in itself, that you and I can live on it, and our children be supported and educated by it. If the compact of the Constitution is fair, and was fairly entered into, it is none the worse, one should think, for its having been found useful. Gentlemen, I believe it was in Cromwell's time,- for I am not very fresh in the recollection of my early reading; I have had more to do with other things than some of you younger men that love to look into the instructive history that age, — but I think it was in Cromwell's time that there sprung up a race of saints who called themselves "Fifth Monarchy men"; and a happy, self-pleased, glorious people they were, for they had practised so many virtues, they were so enlightened, so perfect, that they got to be, in the language of that day, "above ordinances." That is the higher law of this day exactly. Our higher law is but the old doctrine of the Fifth Monarchy men of Cromwell's time revived. They were above ordinances, walked about prim and spruce, self-satisfied, thankful to God that they were not as other men, but had attained so far to salvation as to be "above all necessity of restraint and control, civil or relig ious." Cromwell himself says of these persons, if I remember rightly, "that notions will hurt none but those that have them; but when they tell us, not that law is to regulate us, but that law is to be abrogated and subverted, and perhaps the Judaical law brought in, instead of our own laws settled among us," this is something more than a notion, "this is worthy of every magis trate's consideration."

Gentlemen, we live under a Constitution. It has made us what we are. What has carried the American flag all over the world? What has constituted that "unit of commerce,” that wherever the stars and stripes are seen, they signify that it be longs to America and united America? What is it now that

represents us so respectably all over Europe? in London at this moment, and all over the world? What is it but the result of those commercial regulations which united us all together, and made our commerce the same commerce; which made all the States, New York, Massachusetts, and South Carolina, in the aspect of our foreign relations one and the same country, without division, distinction, or separation? Now, Gentlemen, to effect this was the original design of the Constitution. We in our day must see to it; and it will be equally incumbent on you, my young friends of Albany, to see that, while you live, this spirit is made to pervade the whole administration of the government. The Constitution of the United States, to keep us united, to keep a fraternal feeling flowing in our hearts, must be administered in the spirit in which it was framed.

And, Gentlemen, if I wished to convey to you an idea of what that spirit is, I would exhibit it to you in its living, speaking, animated form; I would refer now and always to the administration of the first President, George Washington. If I were now to describe a patriot President, I would draw his master-strokes and copy his design; I would present his picture before me as a constant study; I would display his policy, alike liberal and just, narrowed down to no sectional interests, bound to no personal objects, held to no locality, but broad and generous and open, as expansive as the air which is wafted by the winds of heaven from one part of the country to another.

I would draw a picture of his foreign policy, just, steady, stately, but withal proud, and lofty, and glorious. No man apprehended, in his day, that the broad escutcheon of the Union could receive injury or damage, or even contumely or disrespect, with impunity. His own character gave character to the foreign relations of the country. He upheld every interest of the United States in even the proudest nations of Europe; and while resolutely just, he was as resolutely determined that no plume in the honor of the country should ever be defaced or moved from its proper position by any power on earth. Washington was cautious and prudent; no self-seeker; giving information to Congress, as directed by the Constitution, on all questions, when necessary, with fairness and frankness, claiming nothing for himself, exercising his own rights, and preserving the dignity of his station, but taking especial care to execute

the laws as a paramount duty, and in such manner as to give satisfaction to all just and reasonable men. It was always remarked of his administration, that he filled the courts of justice with the most spotless integrity, the highest talent, and the purest virtue; and hence it became a common saying, running through all classes of society, that our great security is in the learning and integrity of the judicial tribunals. This high character they justly possessed, and continue to possess in an eminent degree from the impress which Washington stamped on these tribunals at their first organization.

Gentlemen, a patriot President is the guardian, the protector, the friend, of every citizen of the United States. He should be, and he is, no man's persecutor, no man's enemy, but the supporter and the protector of all and every citizen, so far as such support and protection depend on his faithful execution of the laws. But there is especially one great idea which Washington presents, and which governed him, and which should govern every man high in office who means to resemble Washington; and that is, the duty of preserving the government itself; of suffering, so far as depends on him, no one branch to interfere with another; no power to be assumed by any department which does not belong to it, and none to be abandoned which does belong to it, but to preserve it and carry it on unharmed for the benefit of the present and future generations.

Gentlemen, a wise and prudent shipmaster makes it his first duty to preserve the vessel which carries him, and his passengers, and all that is committed to his charge; to keep her afloat, to conduct her to her destined port with entire security of property and life. That is his first object, and that should be, and is, the object of every chief magistrate of the United States, who has a proper appreciation of his duty. His first and highest duty is to preserve the Constitution which bears him, which sustains the government, without which every thing goes to the bottom; to preserve that, and keep it, with the utmost of his ability and foresight, off the rocks and shoals, and away from the quicksands. To accomplish this great end, he exercises the caution of the experienced navigator. He suffers nothing to betray his watchfulness, or to draw him aside from the great interest committed to his care; but is always awake, always solicitous, always anxious, for the safety of the ship which is to carry him through the stormy seas.