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questions at issue between the two sections. The South asks for justice, simple justice, and less she ought not to take. She has no compromise to offer but the Constitution; and no concession or surrender to make. She has already surrendered so much that she has little left to 5 surrender. Such a settlement would go to the root of the evil, and remove all cause of discontent, by satisfying the South that she could remain honorably and safely in the Union, and thereby restore the harmony and fraternal feelings between the sections, which existed anterior 10 to the Missouri agitation. Nothing else can, with any certainty, finally and forever settle the question at issue, terminate agitation, and save the Union.
But can this be done? Yes, easily; not by the weaker party, for it can of itself do nothing — not even protect 15 itself -- but by the stronger. The North has only to will it to accomplish it - to do justice by conceding to the South an equal right in the acquired territory, and to do her duty by causing the stipulations relative to fugitive slaves to be faithfully fulfilled — to cease the 20 agitation of the slave question, and to provide for the insertion of a provision in the Constitution, by an amendment, which will restore to the South, in substance, the power she possessed of protecting herself, before the equilibrium between the sections was destroyed by the 25 action of this government. There will be no difficulty in devising such a provision — one that will protect the South, and which, at the same time, will improve and strengthen the government, instead of impairing and weakening it.
But will the North agree to this? It is for her to answer the question. But, I will say, she cannot refuse, if she has half the love of the Union which she professes to have, or without justly exposing herself to the charge that her love of power and aggrandizement is far 35
greater than her love of the Union. At all events, the responsibility of saving the Union rests on the North, and not on the South. The South cannot save it by any act of hers, and the North may save it without any sac5 rifice whatever, unless to do justice, and to perform her
duties under the Constitution, should be regarded by her as a sacrifice.
It is time, Senators, that there should be an open and manly avowal on all sides, as to what is intended to be io done. If the question is not now settled, it is uncertain
whether it ever can hereafter be; and we, as the representatives of the States of this Union regarded as governments, should come to a distinct understanding as to
our respective views, in order to ascertain whether the 15 great questions at issue can be settled or not. If you,
who represent the stronger portion, cannot agree to settle them on the broad principle of justice and duty, say so; and let the States we both represent agree to separate
and part in peace. If you are unwilling we should part 20 in peace, tell us so; and we shall know what to do when
you reduce the question to submission or resistance. If you remain silent, you will compel us to infer by your acts what you intend. In that case, California will be
come the test question. If you admit her under all the 25 difficulties that oppose her admission, you compel us to
infer that you intend to exclude us from the whole of the acquired territories, with the intention of destroying irretrievably the equilibrium between the two sections.
We should be blind not to perceive in that case, that 30 your real objects are power and aggrandizement, and infatuated, not to act accordingly.
I have now, Senators, done my duty in expressing my opinions fully, freely, and candidly, on this solemn occa
sion. In doing so, I have been governed by the motives 35 which have governed me in all the stages of the agita
tion of the slavery question since its commencement. I have exerted myself during the whole period to arrest it, with the intention of saving the Union, if it could be done; and if it could not, to save the section where it has pleased Providence to cast my lot, and which I sin- 5 cerely believe has justice and the Constitution on its side. Having faithfully done my duty to the best of my ability, both to the Union and my section, throughout this agitation, I shall have the consolation, let what will come, that I am free from all responsibility.
WILLIAM H. SEWARD
ON THE IRREPRESSIBLE CONFLICT; ROCHESTER,
OCTOBER, 25, 1858.
The unmistakable outbreaks of zeal which occur all around me, show that you are earnest men
- and such a man am I. Let us therefore, at least for a time, pass all
secondary and collateral questions, whether of a personal 5 or of a general nature, and consider the main subject of the present canvass.
The Democratic party - or, to speak more accurately, the party which wears that attractive name is in possession of the Federal Gov
ernment. The Republicans propose to dislodge that 10 party, and dismiss it from its high trust.
The main subject, then, is, whether the Democratic party deserves to retain the confidence of the American people. In attempting to prove it unworthy, I think
that I am not actuated by prejudices against that party, 15 or by prepossessions in favor of its adversary; for I have
learned by some experience that virtue and patriotism, vice and selfishness, are found in all parties, and that they differ less in their motives than in the policies they pursue.
Our country is a theatre which exhibits, in full operation, two radically different political systems; the one resting on the basis of servile or slave labor, the other on the basis of voluntary labor of freemen.
The laborers who are enslaved are all negroes, or persons more or less purely of African derivation. But this is only accidental. The principle of the system is, that labor in every society, by whomsoever performed, is necessarily unintellectual, grovelling, and base; and that 5 the laborer, equally for his own good and for the welfare of the State, ought to be enslaved. The white laboring man, whether native or foreigner, is not enslaved, only because he cannot, as yet, be reduced to bondage.
You need not be told now that the slave system is the 10 older of the two, and that once it was universal. The emancipation of our own ancestors, Caucasians and Europeans as they were, hardly dates beyond a period of five hundred years. The great melioration of human society which modern times exhibit, is mainly due to the incom- 15 plete substitution of the system of voluntary labor for the old one of servile labor, which has already taken place. This African slave system is one which, in its origin and in its growth, has been altogether foreign from the habits of the races which colonized these States, and established 20 civilization here. It was introduced on this new continent as an engine of conquest, and for the establishment of monarchical power, by the Portuguese and the Spaniards, and was rapidly extended by them all over South America, Central America, Louisiana, and Mexico. 25 Its legitimate fruits are seen in the poverty, imbecility, and anarchy which now pervade all Portuguese and Spanish America. The free-labor system is of German extraction, and it was established in our country by emigrants from Sweden, Holland, Germany, Great Britain, 30 and Ireland. We justly ascribe to its influences the strength, wealth, greatness, intelligence, and freedom, which the whole American people now enjoy. One of the chief elements of the value of human life is freedom in the pursuit of happiness. The slave system is not 35