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E have had occasion before now to remark on the antipathy exhibited by a certain portion of the population of Ireland to the Union between that country and Great Britain. This antipathy, though at times proving troublesome, and invariably entailing many unpleasant consequences, has not, however, been productive of any lasting-we might even say any appreciable-effect. The bonds which hold the two countries together are so difficult to reach, and the instruments employed in the attempts to sever them so inadequate to the performance of the task, that all efforts in this direction have hitherto been unavailing.

Co-existent with this antipathy to the Union, and far more capable of real and practical expression, is the antipathy exhibited by the great body of Irish people to Orangeism. To them the whole history of Orangeism is hateful. It had its birth in revolution, its infancy in civil strife; it throve on the Penal Code; like a foul vampire, it fattened itself on a nation's blood; and even now the insatiate demon of Orangeism is waiting only an occasion to revert to its traditionary principles. For more than a century and a half Orangeism has upheld a hateful ascendency; it has thwarted Irishmen in their efforts to recover their independence; and in the present day, when sects have been placed on an equality,

VOL. VIII.-NO. XLVI.

NEW SERIES.

and men are once more equal, it continues to flaunt its triumphs in the faces of the people whose ancestors succumbed to the arms of William, Prince of Orange, and celebrates with unmanly rejoicing those hard-contested fields where a gallant nation nobly struggled for its existence.

According to Orangemen, however, the Orange Association, which is the embodiment of Orangeism, was founded in grateful remembrance of one of the most glorious achievements recorded in the historical annals of their country, no less an achievement than their deliverance from the dark incubus of Popery, and from the curse of arbitrary power; in grateful remembrance also of the re-establishment of the Protestant religion and Constitution within the realm by means of King William III. of pions and immortal memory. It was founded also in perpetual commemoration of the blessings which flowed from this change, and no less for the advancement of the civil, moral, and spiritual benefits secured thereby, than for the maintenance of the constitutional, political, and sacred rights so happily bequeathed to the Protestants of the realm.

Marked differences between these aspects of the subject; but where in Irish history shall we find unity of opinion on matters connected with the faith or the nationality of the different sections of

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the people? Impartiality was a quality unknown in past days, and one not very prevalent even now: indeed, if Irish contemporary history is remarkable for anything in particular, it is remarkable for the intense partiality, the violent and unreasoning prejudice, displayed by its writers a partiality exhibiting itself in the most unlimited credulity in anything to the derogation of their opponents, and the most total blindness to their own faults. On no occasion are these qualities so conspicuous as when Orangeism is concerned. No flag ever fluttered by a chulo in the face of an Andalusian bull, no dart ever fixed in his side by the banderilleros, has had upon him a more maddening, enraging effect, than the mere name of Orangeism upon a certain class of Irish writers.

Since the Revolution of 1688, the Orange party has played the most prominent part in Irish history; and in the present day, after an eventful career, it is still a great living power in the land. It seems to us, however, so far as we can read the present signs of the times, that Orangeism has reached a point when its future, for better or for worse,' must be decided-a future of progress and triumph, or a future of gradual decadence. It may, therefore, be deemed a not unfitting time to review the past history of the Orange party, and to offer a few observations on its present position. We must premise that the term Orangeism is used in a general and in a limited sense. At times it is strictly confined to the members of the Orange Society, to which we shall presently more particularly refer; whilst more commonly it is used as designating the Protestant party in Ireland.

To enable us to comprehend the fervour and tenacity with which Orange principles are held, we must go back to the time when, in the

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person of Cromwell, England's authority over Ireland had once more been asserted-asserted too in a more effectual manner than heretofore. His scheme of settlement, though imperfectly executed, left a Protestant population scattered throughout three of the Provinces. For some years these settlers lived secure in their new possessions, but by degrees affairs assumed for them a threatening appearance. When James came to the throne the authority began to pass from their hands into those of the Catholics, whom he so strongly favoured. had done so altogether when he arrived in Ireland after the Revolution in England; and then, in selfdefence, the Cromwellian and other Protestant settlers drew the sword. Enniskillen and Londonderry showed the metal of which these men were made, and the resistance which they had begun was carried to a successful issue by William, Prince of Orange. Not, however, till the worst passions of men had been afforded the most unrestrained indulgence, and had been glutted to the full. Life, property, religion, everything that man values, had been at stake; and then, to add to the bitterness of the contest, position and power were grasped, first by one party and then by the other, and used remorselessly by both. Thus, a legacy of the bitterest and intensest hatred was left behind; a hatred surviving, we regret to say, in no small degree at the present hour.

The result in Ireland of this latest and final assertion of England's power was the establishment of a Protestant or, as it came to be called, Orange ascendency. Unfortunately, however, the only form of Protestantism included in that ascendency, was the Protestantism of the Established Church. Saturated still with the bigoty and self-sufficiency of Jacobiter High Churchism, this party-or rather

the ecclesiastics of this party practically ruled the country, making their own selfish objects the end of their policy, and importing into politics that intolerance and uarrow mindedness which distinguished their religious opinions. The Nonconformists, to whose conduct was mainly due the preservation of the English interest in Ireland, were allowed no share in the government of the country, and thus, instead of the Protestants being united in the presence of a common enemy, they were split into two parties.

It is only now, after the lapse of nearly two centuries, when a distinction between the different sects of Protestantism is no longer recognised by the State, that the union of the Protestant interests in Ireland is again practicable. The neglect, on that occasion, to follow so obvious a policy worked disaster in Ireland for many a long day.

The overthrow of the political supremacy of the Irish bishops, it might be thought, would have changed the policy they had acted on; but the exclusive spirit of the ascendency, and jealousy of the Nonconformists, survived even this, and the breach between the parties was left as wide as ever. Still later too, in 1760, the same baleful influence was at work, for in that year we find Pitt writing to the Duke of Bedford:

It is with great concern I observe your Grace thinks there is cause to consider any one class of Presbyterians in Ireland as averse to English government, and therefore at least, equally with Papists, to be guarded against. I am not very particularly acquainted with the distinctive tenets of the sect among them mentioned by your Grace, but it highly imports Government to reflect-however blameworthy the too rigid adherence of Presbyterians to some things may justly be thought in comparison to the excellences of the Church of England-that nevertheless the Presbyterian Dissenters in general must ever deserve to be considered, in opposition to the Church of Rome, as a very valuable branch of the Reformation; and that with regard to their civil principles, that respectable body have

We cannot, however, delay over the earlier years of Orangeism in Ireland, and we must therefore leave this branch of the subject; but we cannot refrain from deploring the melancholy fact that the selfish, bitter, and narrow sectarianism of a portion of the Protestant inhabitants of Ireland should have inflicted irreparable injuries upon the country and upon the cause of true religion.

Glancing down the century, we see the Orange party building up the code of penal laws, making to themselves a fortress within which they could dwell securely, and behind which they could shelter and defend themselves from the assaults of their enemies. The code completed, we see the Irish party, in spite of it,. growing gradually stronger, and the Catholics beginning to urge their claims for equal civil and political rights, and for the abolition of the penal enactments against them. Then, as the century draws to an end, we find the Protestant party beginning to stand on the defensive, beginning too to see that if some of the outworks of the fortress were not abandoned, not alone they, but possibly the whole fortress might be carried by storm. Curious that in this development of Irish events, the natural position of parties came to be reversed, and the respective creeds adopted rôles entirely at variance to their proper character; Roman Catholicism, the most conservative of all creeds, adopting the rôle of Liberalism, and Protestantism, the most democratic of all creeds, adopting that of Toryism.

And so we come to the time when a portion of the Protestant inhabitants of Ireland, feeling that some more practical bond of union than a common adherence to Orange principles was necessary to insure their

personal safety, organised themselves into a society, to which they gave the name of the re-establisher of Protestantism. This was in the year 1795. The formation of the first Orange lodge was quite unpremeditated. It was instituted in a village in the county Armagh after an engagement between Protestants and Roman Catholics known as 'the Battle of the Diamond,' but the idea once originated was rapidly developed.

In pursuing our enquiries into these earlier days of the Orange Society, we are instantly plunged into a sea of assertions and contradictions, of accusations and self-justifications, for partisan writers vainly flatter themselves that, in proving that their opponents were the first aggressors, they prove that they themselves are in the right, and their proceedings entirely justifiable. The members of the Society asserted that the aggressions of the Roman Catholics compelled them to take measures for their own protection; its opponents asserted that instead of being a defensive organisation it was an aggressive one, that it was the originator of every disturbance in Ireland, and directly responsible for every outrage. It is impossible in the ever-shifting scene of Irish secret societies to ascertain the priority of aggression by rival parties; nor indeed is the point of much importance. In this case the broad facts are too clear to admit of any misapprehension; and though the conduct of Orangemen may occasionally raise doubts as to the truth of the assertion that their Society was solely defensive, there cannot be the slightest doubt that some such organisation on their part had become necessary for the purposes of self-defence.

It needs no great acquaintance with Irish history to be aware of the fact that disturbances in Ireland did not, as anti-Orange writers would have us believe, begin in the

year 1795, when the Orange Society was founded, or to know that this Society was not the first society in Ireland.

The reduction of land in Ireland to regular proprietorship, and the enclosure of commons, had, more than half a century before this, given rise to a secret association known by the name of 'the Levellers,' whose performances consisted in the perpetration of those outrages now familiarly known under the name agrarian.' Following in their steps, several sometimes co-existent, came a host of other illegal and secret Associations-White Boys,' Oak Boys,''Carders,' 'Hearts of Steel,' Right Boys.' That the members of these associations were not peaceful, law-abiding, and law. supporting members of society, opposed to outrages and disturbance of all sorts, is unfortunately demonstrated by the Statute-book of 1787, in which we find an Act to prevent tumultuous risings and assemblies, and for the more effectual punishment of persons guilty of outrage, riot, and illegal combinations, and of administering and taking unlawful oaths.'

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The sole ground for the assertion that Orangeism was the first aggressor, arises from the circumstance that the lower orders of the Protestant minority, fearing the increasing power of the Roman Catholics, and knowing that these latter were se cretly arming, enrolled themselves into an association under the name of 'Peep o' Day Boys,' and went about making domiciliary visits at early hours of the morning for the purpose of disarming their opponents. Against their proceedings a counter organisation was started, partly by the Presbyterians, and mainly by the Roman Catholics. Its members called themselves 'Defenders,' and the mere name-it is argued-proves that the Orange party were the first aggressors. This, however, does not dispose of the fact that it was

the ever increasingly aggressive conduct of the Catholic and Celtic element that alarmed the Protestants and drove them to taking measures for their own protection.

Years before the formation of the Orange Society, Defenderism had extended its action into numerous counties, and fresh fuel was added to the already inflammable materials of the country by the introduction of the principles of the French Revolution. These rapidly spread. The republican principles of the Presbyterians were once more quickened, and England was now to reap the folly of that narrow and idiotic policy which had separated the Protestant sects of Ireland.

Years also before the formation of the Orange Society, the Society of United Irishmen was established. In its inception Presbyterian, it quickly assumed a more Catholic and Celtic character, adherents rapidly joined it, it grew in importance, in power, and in its threatening aspect.

The system thus established,' says the Committee of Secrecy of the House of Commons relative to a treasonable conspiracy, gradually acquired the means of disturbing the tranquillity of the country in all its parts; of impeding the execution of justice by forcible resistance to the authority of the laws; by the protection of accused persons; by the rescue of prisoners; the seizure of arms; and at length by the assassination of informers, of witnesses, of magistrates, and of jurymen, till, by the general terror which was diffused, the loyal inhabitants in different counties were successively driven into the towns or compelled wholly to quit the kingdom.'

It was whilst affairs were gradually working themselves up to this climax, and whilst the Government that existed was unequal to cope with the disturbers of the country, and utterly unable to afford that protection to life and property

which is the first duty of a Government, that the Orange Society, under the circumstances we have stated, sprang into existence. It quickly formed a rallying point for the Protestant minority. Orange lodges were established in numerous places throughout the counties of the North, and a centre was given to the Society in the formation of a central, or, as it was called, a Grand Lodge. Banding into one compact body the scattered Irish Church Protestant minority, it afforded them the means of presenting a bold front, and showing to their adversaries that if the Government could not protect them, they could protect themselves, and that they would not surrender their position and their property without a struggle.

Orangeism in its earlier days in Ireland, namely, in the time of its founder and his immediate successors, has, as a form of government, little to attract us, has but few things about it to elicit our praise. Our admiration of Orangeism in those times centres in England. Here the people, who had long been languishing and groaning under a government built on the rotten foundation of the Divine right of kings, shook off for ever the fetters that bound them; once and for all they asserted their rights, sweeping away as they did so those mischievous fallacies which surrounded the existing system of government. The Revolution of 1688 as regards England rang out the false, rang in the true; as regards Ireland the change left behind much of what was false, whilst the true which it brought in was at first so disguised as hardly to be recognisable.

But when Orangeism was resuscitated in Ireland at the end of the eighteenth century, it adopted and proclaimed the glorious principles of the Revolution as they had been developed in England during the century; and though even from