"The liberated peoples of the Austro-Hungarian Empi and the Turkish Empire call out to us for this thing. It ha not arisen in the councils of statesmen. Europe is a bit sic at heart at this very moment because it sees that the state: men have had no vision and that the only vision has bee the vision of the people. Those who suffer see. Thos against whom wrong is wrought know how desirable is th right of the righteous. Nations that have long been under th heel of Austria, that have long cowered before the Germa that have long suffered the indescribable agonies of bein governed by the Turk, have called out to the world gener: tion after generation for justice, liberation, and succor, an no cabinet in the world has heard them. Private organiza tions, pitying hearts, philanthropic men and women, hav poured out their treasure in order to relieve these suffering but no nation has said to the nations responsible, 'You mu stop; this thing is intolerable and we will not permit it.' An the vision has been with the people. My friends, I wish yo would reflect upon this proposition; the vision as to what necessary for great reforms has seldom come from the top the nations of the world. It has come from the need ar aspiration and self-assertion of great bodies of men wh meant to be free. And I can explain some of the criticism which have been leveled against this great enterprise on by the supposition that men who utter the criticisms hav never felt the great pulse of the heart of the world. have been closeted, I do not know by what ave been blinded, but I do know they have rom the general currents of the thought of o utter this solemn warning, not in the way forces of the world do not threaten, they eat tides of the world do not give notice g to rise and run; they rise in their majesty g might, and those who stand in the way Now the heart of the world is awake f the world must be satisfied. Don't let se for a moment that uneasiness in the urope is due entirely to economic causes or 5; something very much deeper underlies it hey see that their Governments have never nd them against intrigue or aggression, and force of foresight or of prudence in any o stop war. And therefore they say, 'There damental cause for this,' and the fundamene beginning to perceive to be that nations or in little jealous groups against each other, ce, increasing the danger of war rather than res to prevent it; and that if there is right here is justice in the world, there is no reashould be divided in support of justice. LOOKING TO THE UNITED STATES refore, saying if you really believe that there really believe that wars ought to be stopped, women, an ous, and no against the great Natio mankind; in achieve the and the wor on us, and W if we desert the real hope no mercy whe we, a commaren in mem secure and пappy and prospe ous, and no nation has the right to set up its special interes against the interests and benefits of mankind, least of all th great Nation which we love. It was set up for the benefit mankind; it was set up to illustrate the highest ideals and achieve the highest aspirations of men who wanted to be free and the world-the world of to-day-believes that and coun on us, and would be thrown back into the blackness of despa if we deserted it. "I have tried once and again, my fellow citizens, to say little circles of friends or to larger bodies what seems to b the real hope of the peoples of Europe, and I tell you frank I have not been able to do so, because when the thought tri to crowd itself into speech the profound emotion of the thin is too much; speech will not carry. I have felt the tragedy the hope of those suffering peoples. "It is a tragedy because it is a hope which can not b realized in its perfection and yet I have felt besides i tragedy its compulsion, its compulsion upon every living ma to exercise every influence that he has to the utmost to s that as little as possible of that hope is disappointed because men can not now, after this agony of bloody sweat, come their self-possession and see how to regulate the affairs of th world we will sink back into a period of struggle in whic here will be no hope and therefore no mercy. There can b no mercy where there is no hope, for why should you spar another if you yourself expect to perish? Why should yo be pitiful if you can get no pity? Why should you be ju f, upon every hand, you are put upon? "There is another thing which I think the critics of th mander-in-chief and they have taught me en we went into the war we went into it eclarations which it was my privilege to lieved them to be an interpretation of the ht of the people of the United States. is went over there with the feeling that bound to the realization of those ideals; only going over there to beat Germany; ng over there merely with resentment in t a particular outlaw nation; but that they se three thousand miles of sea in order to at the United States, when it became necesywhere where the rights of mankind were would not sit still in the trenches. They trained by the prudence of experienced nders. They thought they had come over icular thing, and they were going to do it And just as soon as that rush of spirit of body came in contact with the lines of gan to break, and they continued to break ey continued to break, my fellow citizens, se of the physical force of those lusty cause of the irresistible spiritual force of United States. It was that that they felt. ved them. It was that that made them feel s ever got a foothold they could never be t therefore every foot of ground that they ntly won for the liberty of mankind. ppose that, having felt that crusading spirit s who went over there not to glorify Amer mean to co be over un permanency "Gentlem profited by on the othe low citizens tions are an generally m cynical; the always mear believe thing never came they used to "And men w be over until the nations of the world are assured of th permanency of peace. "Gentlemen on this side of the water would be very muc profited by getting into communication with some gentleme on the other side of the water. We sometimes think, my fe low citizens, that the experienced statesmen of European na tions are an unusually hardheaded set of men, by which w generally mean, although we do not admit it, they are a b cynical; they say, 'This is a practical world,' by which yo always mean that it is not an ideal world; that they do no believe things can be settled upon an ideal basis. Well, never came into intimate contact with them before, but they used to be that way they are not that way now. The have been subdued, if that was once their temper, by th awful significance of recent events and the awful importanc of what is to ensue, and there is not one of them with whor I have come in contact who does not feel he can not in cor science return to his people from Paris unless he has don is utmost to do something more than attach his name to reaty of peace. Every man in that conference knows th reaty of peace in itself will be inoperative, as Mr. Taft ha said, without this constant support and energy of a grea organization such as is supplied by the League of Nations. "And men who, when I first went over there, were skeptic of the possibility of forming a League of Nations, admitte hat if we could but form it it would be an invaluab nstrumentality through which to secure the operation of th arious parts of the treaty; and when that treaty comes bac gentlemen on this side will find the Covenant not only in i ut so many threads of the treaty tied to the Covenant th |