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rnment necessary for us, and there is no form of governnent, but what may be a blessing to the people if well adminstered; and believe further, that this is likely to be well administered for a course of years, and can only end in despotsm, as other forms have done before it, when the people shall ecome so corrupted as to need despotic government, being capable of any other. I doubt, too, whether any other Conention we can obtain may be able to make a better Constition. For when you assemble a number of men to have the dvantage of their joint wisdom, you inevitably assemble ith those men all their prejudices, their passions, their errors F opinion, their local interests and their selfish views. From uch an assembly can a perfect production be expected? It erefore astonishes me, sir, to find this system approaching near to perfection as it does; and I think it will astonish ar enemies, who are waiting with confidence to hear that ar councils are confounded, like those of the builders of abel, and that our States are on the point of separation, only meet hereafter for the purpose of cutting one another's roats. Thus I consent, sir, to this Constitution, because expect no better, and because I am not sure, that it is not e best. The opinions I have had of its errors I sacrifice to e public good. I have never whispered a syllable of them road. Within these walls they shall die. If every one us, in returning to our constituents, were to report the jections he has had to it, and endeavor to gain partisans in pport of them, we might prevent its being generally reved, and thereby lose all the salutary effects and great adtages resulting naturally in our favour among foreign nans as well as among ourselves, from our real or apparent

the people, and for the sake of posterity, we ily and unanimously in recommending this Conpproved by Congress and confirmed by the Conrever our influence may extend, and turn our ts and endeavours to the means of having it well

hole, sir, I cannot help expressing a wish that r of the Convention, who may still have obwould with me, on this occasion, doubt a little fallibility, and to make manifest our unanimity, to this instrument."

THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS

BY THOMAS PAINE

formerly called revolutions, were little more e of persons, or an alteration of local circumy rose and fell like things of course, and had eir existence or their fate that could influence ot that produced them. But what we now see from the revolutions of America and France, on of the natural order of things, a system of universal as truth and the existence of man, g moral with political happiness and national

e born, and always continue, free and equal in ir rights. Civil distinctions, therefore, can be on public utility.

entitled to

it."
In these
confusion
call forth
public goo
of particu
sovereignt
is abolishe
ral and ori
out Europ
It is atti

enlarged a
year 1610,
consisted i
French au

delegates f

of arbitrati and nation. Had such the taxes C would have nation less French Rev

To conce

(and that in

war, it had less expense

it."

In these principles, there is nothing to throw a nation in confusion by inflaming ambition. They are calculated call forth wisdom and abilities, and to exercise them for t public good, and not for the emolument or aggrandizeme of particular descriptions of men or families. Monarchic sovereignty, the enemy of mankind, and the source of miser is abolished; and the sovereignty itself is restored to its nat ral and original place, the nation. Were this the case throug out Europe, the cause of wars would be taken away.

It is attributed to Henry the Fourth of France, a man enlarged and benevolent heart, that he proposed, about t year 1610, a plan for abolishing war in Europe. The pl consisted in constituting an European Congress, or as t French authors style it, a Pacific Republic; by appointi delegates from the several nations who were to act as a co of arbitration in any disputes that might arise between nati and nation.

Had such a plan been adopted at the time it was propose the taxes of England and France, as two of the parti would have been at least ten million sterling annually to ea nation less than they were at the commencement of t French Revolution.

To conceive a cause why such a plan has not been adopt (and that instead of a Congress for the purpose of preventi war, it had been called only to terminate a war, after a fru less expense of several years) it will be necessary to consid

and concluded, the power and interest of increased. War, therefore, from its proeasily furnished the pretense of necessity, pointments to places and offices, becomes a the system of old governments; and to esto abolish war, however advantageous it ns, would be to take from such government e of its branches. The frivolous matters s made show the disposition and avidity of phold the system of war, and betray the ich they act.

epublics plunged into war, but because the overnment does not admit of an interest of the nation? Even Holland, though an ublic, and with a commerce extending over d nearly a century without war; and the of government was changed in France, the les of peace and domestic prosperity and th the new government; and the same conollow the cause in other nations.

ystem of government on the old construcy which nations reciprocally entertain is I what the policy of their governments exhe spirit of the system. Each government of perfidy, intrigue, and ambition, as a the imagination of their respective nations, n to hostilities. Man is not the enemy of the medium of a false system of governerefore, of exclaiming against the ambi

world ought tions, in whic of courts, by voke a confe

pean congress and promote 1 event nearer and alliance of

There seems

ington's Birthda
nected with the
Instead of a lit
to maintain its
chiefly because o
a continental sta
world on equal

in conquering a
the pioneer peri
upon.

The change h same developmer nihilated distance made the affairs

ions, in which everything may be looked for. The intrigue f courts, by which the system of war is kept up, may prooke a confederation of nations to abolish it; and an Euroean congress to patronize the progress of free government nd promote the civilization of nations with each other, is an vent nearer in probability than once were the revolutions nd alliance of France and America.

AMERICA IN THE WORLD

BY JOHN DEWEY

There seems to be a little irony in the fact that upon Washgton's Birthday the topic most apt for discussion is concted with the participation of America in a world war. stead of a little strip of territory sparsely populated, able maintain its own with the great nations of the world efly because of the advantage of remoteness, we are now continental state, able to confer with the nations of the rld on equal terms. While once there was enough to do conquering a wilderness, we have now come to the end of pioneer period, and have a margin of energy to draw

ɔn.

The change has, of course, been brought about by that ne development of industry and commerce which has anilated distance, drawn all peoples into closer relations, and de the affairs and interests of one nation the concern of

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