BY WILLIAM E. BARTON

IN 1716 there was an alliance of thirteen small states, who ought a German king then reigning in Great Britain, in order o make one corner of the world safe for democracy. That var came to a successful termination, and then the question ecame a pressing one whether democracy was safe for the world. For several years there was a situation closely akin to narchy. A revolutionary general proposed that the army beome Bolsheviki and march to Philadelphia and attack Conress; and Colonel Loammi Baldwin stopped discovering his amous apple long enough to head his troops and prevent a ebellion at Concord, just where the Colonial troops had met he British at the old bridge. After several years of uncerinty and near-anarchy, it was decided to try the experiment f creating a league of thirteen small nations, banded together • preserve peace and promote the common welfare. In rder to secure these ends, the Federal Constitution was repared and submitted to the States; the same instrument hich constitutes the model for the proposed League of ations.

If we take a seat in the gallery and look down on the Conitutional Convention (from whose sittings, however, we hould have been excluded had we been living then) we all be impressed by the dignity and high character of the en who composed it. Washington was there, and Franklin, ghty-one years of age, had returned from France with high onor and been made "president" of the republic of Pennsylnia, James Madison and Alexander Hamilton were there,

erson, who wrote the Declaration of Independhn Adams, who secured its adoption in a three were both in Europe, and returned each to sit of the new League of Nations, and to die on the st fifty years after the adoption of the Declaramade America safe for democracy but did not acy safe for America. Samuel Adams ought to ere, but he did not believe in it. Patrick Henry e been there, and so ought Light Horse Harry both believed that it was dangerous for Virginia ngland tell her what to do. Alexander Hamilton ut New York saw to it that this intrepid spirit with a ball on each leg, for his two associates ictionary men, determined that New York should Ich farther into such a league than should appear dvantage; so Hamilton was never able to carry te of his state for any constructive measure while as in progress. That was why Hamilton did larger influence in the convention; he was too to be a fit representative of his state.

itutional Convention met in Independence Hall, Washington in the chair. The meetings were t, and what was done was not revealed for fifty the journals kept by James Madison were pubwell that the people did not know from day to s happening. It is well that the three great states setts, New York and Virginia did not know how s liberties were being tampered with, or they called their delegates home. It was felt by the hat if the discussions were secret, the delegates

the three faces of t they had s

for an in
thirteen co
Bolsheviki
Finally,
and submit
And the
tened to ad
Not quit
But the
ment it was
Not exac
When Ge
mitted the
shouted, "E
will demand
ment say,
states'? An
How did
adopted?
the result of
Cerberus.
First of a

by giving th
gress. They
free citizens.
their slaves.
Georgia and
a slave state

faces of their returning delegates some of the things whic they had said on the floor, saying to them, "Why did you vot for an instrument of which you yourself said this?" th thirteen colonies might have gone to the bow-wows and th Bolsheviki.

Finally, the Constitution was adopted by the convention and submitted to the thirteen states.

And they all saw what a noble instrument it was, and has tened to adopt it?

Not quite in that fashion.

But the great states were first to see how great an instru ment it was?

Not exactly.

When George Washington went back to Virginia and sub mitted the fruit of his toil, Patrick Henry rose in heat an shouted, "Even from the man who saved us by his valor, will demand a reason for his conduct. Why does this instru ment say, 'We, the people'? Why does it not say, 'We th states'? And Patrick Henry was not alone in his demand.

How did the Constitution of the United States get itsel adopted? On its Merits? Well, hardly. Its adoption wa the result of a number of compromises and of sops thrown t Cerberus.

First of all, the favor of the Southern states was secure by giving them more than their share of delegates in Con gress. They were permitted representation not only on thei free citizens, but a representation, in reduced proportion, o their slaves. That insured the favor of the Carolinas an Georgia and Virginia acted as a kind of stakeholder, whil a slave state, was represented in the convention by men wh

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othing could have been accomplished. For our noble Contitution could not have been adopted by the far-seeking and inselfish leadership of the great states. All the states, large nd small, were too petty, too jealous, too selfish, to prone o ask how their local interests would be affected.

So the proposed Constitution was submitted first of all to Congress. Whose voice was first raised regarding it? That f Richard Henry Lee, who eleven years before had moved he adoption of the Declaration of Independence. Did he nove to adopt the Constitution? He did not. He organized he forces to oppose it. Who stood next to him? Nathan Dane, the able leader of the delegation from Massachusetts. And who next? The solid delegation from the great State f New York. They were not going to have any league of ations. For eight days the three great states of New York, Massachusetts, and Virginia tried to obstruct the measure, nd they were past masters in all the arts of obstruction. But t length the Congressional vote was taken and the Constituion was transmitted to the several states.

Pennsylvania was first to approve it for submission to the ote for a Constitutional convention. She carried it by a ote of 45 to 19 in her Legislature, which had but one house. As 47 were necessary to make a quorum, and the minority etermined to defeat the Constitution by staying away, two members of the minority were taken violently from their ooms and forcibly held in their seats in the Legislature, here, muttering and using bad language, they were comelled to sit during the brief space of time required for the ote, which went through, 45 to 2. In this dignified and far