war.

tions of men to men, and of states to states, in the struggles of war. Ipsam quoque pacem esse judicasset, non in armis positis, sed in abjecto armorum (et injuriarum) metu."* Like a wise man 66 of whom we read, he, in times of apparent tranquillity, would not have been wholly unprepared for But he would have made peace, and tried to keep it, in the spirit of peace. For the attainment of this difficult, but honourable purpose, he, in his negociations with foreign courts, would have employed gentlemen, not upstarts; experienced men, not striplings and sciolists; men of observation upon political characters, measures, and causes, rather than novices who understand not what they see, and spies who often report what they see not.

The western world 67 has, therefore, to lament that this accomplished statesman was not sooner called into office, where his sound and generous policy might have prevented the mistakes 68 of his illustrious competitor, and where, by carrying into effect his favourite measure, peace, he might have restrained that military power, which, generated by the enthusiasm of revolution, has transferred the desperate courage of self-preservation to the hardy enterprizes of ambition;69 which has gathered increase of strength from increasing resistance; which has formed fresh projects after every instance of fresh success, and which now threatens 70 speedy and total subjugation to the convulsed, dismayed, and infatuated continent of Europe.

Vid. Cicero. Lett. 6, to Plancus, lib. x.

Though every passing day gives us occasion to regret that the serious and reiterated warnings of Mr. Fox were not more favourably received and more diligently followed; yet must it afford you some consolation, that justice will be done ultimately and amply to the rectitude of his intentions, and the wisdom of his counsels. The pacific spirit which he recommended, the sage observations which he enforced, the immutable principles upon which he reasoned, the unfeigned and affectionate earnestness with which he pointed out to England the true, and indeed the sole path to safety and to glory, amidst the disasters of the American, the last, and the present war, will not be lost in oblivion. Even to the latest posterity, they will continue to be subjects of useful and interesting investigation to politicians and patriots, who are animated by the same honest desire to consolidate the interests of governors and the governed-to substitute plain-dealing for imposture, and protection for oppression-to soften some of the harsher effects arising from the multiplied inequalities of condition-to correct inveterate abuses, and gradually to improve and secure social order, by extending and perpetuating the precious blessings of social life.

Surely, then, dear Sir, we shall not be accused of very unreasonable partiality in transferring to our friend the dignified and comprehensive praise, which was once bestowed upon Collatinus, "uno ore cui plurimæ consentiunt gentes Populi Primarium fuisse Virum."*

* Vid. Cicero de finib, lib. ii. par. 33, and de Senectute, par. 17.

History, doubtless, will unite the name of Mr. Fox with the names of Demosthenes and Cicero, who, in distant climes, and to distant ages, shed a lustre over the annals of their country-each of them transcendantly superior to the most eminent characters of their own times, and of the generations succeeding them-each alike reviled by the venal, and defeated by the crafty, in their endeavours to preserve public liberty-each the most eloquent speaker, and the most skilful statesman that ever adorned the most enlightened and civilized nations of antiquity.

It is pleasing, and I think instructive, to trace points of resemblance, and points of difference between those personages who have filled a broad space in the public eye,

Quique sui memores alios fecere merendo.*

From popular governments we may without impropriety derive illustrations of that character, which among ourselves owed the greater part of its splendour to the defence of popular principles; and in speaking of a man to whom the writings of Greece and Rome were familiar, I shall not descend to the childish affectation of apologizing to you, when I employ from them such passages as occur to my memory. If, then, the most virtuous man living had risen up in parliament to oppose Mr. Fox, he would not have been subject, as Demosthenes was in

* Æneid 6.

the presence of Phocion, to the mortification of whispering in the ear of his friend,

Η τῶν ἐμῶν λόγων κοπὶς ἀνίσταται. * τι

There have been times when, should certain antagonists have said to him tauntingly, " the people will kill you, if they are enraged up to madness," he might have replied with Phocion,

Ὑμᾶς δὲ ἐὰν σωφρονῶσι.†

Perhaps in foresight he was not very inferior to Themistocles, qui et de instantibus (ut ait Thucydides) verissime judicabat, et de futuris callidissime conjiciebat. +72

Here the comparison must stop, for the patriotismn of Mr. Fox was not quite so unscrupulous as that of Themistocles; and if it had been proposed to him to burn the fleet of a neighbouring state, and thus to obtain the dominion of the seas, he in all probability would have given the same answer which immortalized the name of Aristides-Τῆς πράξεως ἣν ὁ Θεμιστοκλῆς πράττειν διανοεῖται, μήτε λυσιτελεστέραν ἄλλην, μήτε ἀδικωτέραν εἶναι. § The Athenians, dear Sir, as you remember, were for once prevailed upon to prefer substantial justice to immediate advantage. But if Mr. Fox had given the same advice with Aristides, would he have met with the same success? Perhaps he would, if he could have commu

Plutarch, ed. Xyland, vol. i. p. 744. vol. ii. p. 803.

+ Id. vol. i. p. 746.

Corn. Nep. in Vit. Themistocles.

Plutarch, in Vit. Aristid. vol. i. p. 322.

nicated to his hearers the same conviction which he must himself have felt, that so flagrant a violation of justice might lead to very disgraceful and very disastrous consequences. But for the present many of our countrymen seem content to say, victoriæ rationem non reddi.*

Hephæstion," said a great conqueror, " loves Alexander, but Craterus loves the king." The truth of this observation has been seen and felt by the powerful in all ages. But the experience of Mr. Fox supplies one cheering and solitary exception.73 For reasons which it is unnecessary to state, few who acted with him could be much influenced by the expectation of patronage. Their attachment,74 however, reconciled them to the loss of profit and of power, and it is, I believe, generally allowed that the adherents to his party were the friends alike to his private 75 and his public virtues. Such was his singular felicity through life, and I hope not to be accused of any unbecoming partiality when I notice, as others have done, some peculiar circumstances which after his death do honour to his memory.

Strong and agreeable as are the feelings of admiration, yet, unless they be sustained by the approbation of moral qualities in their object, they gradually languish, and at length subside into cold indifference. Though wit for a time may amuse, and genius delight us, the good sense and justice of mankind induce them to take a permanent interest