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Deputies. The present looks small to a man who studies the past. Like most of his countrymen, he mingles the politics of the day with speeches on literary, artistic, or educational subjects, and spangles them with quotations from the classics and similes boldly drawn from practical illustrations. One day at the Franco-English Guild, at a meeting presided over by the British minister, M. Rambaud in a little improvisation on the two countries, "who never," said he, "need be enemies, though their differences were so great," compared them to "twin piston-rods, impelling with equal beat the onward march of liberty, order, and peace." Elsewhere he calls them "the Siamese twins of political economy."

M. Rambaud is a linguist, a colonialist, and a Russophil,— uniting the three fads of the French of to-day. He wrote a preface and notes to a translation of Seely's 'Expansion of England'; contributed to a geographical work, La France Coloniale,' and to the articles on Russia in the General History of Europe'; and has written two books on Russia, - 'La Russie Épique,' a translation of popular and heroic song, and a 'History of Russia.' This last won a prize at the French Academy. It clear and concise. Every sentence contains a fact. The description of Nicholas I. (Chapter xxxvi., page 638) is striking:"He was a living incarnation of despotism. His giant stature, his stately manner, his mystic pride in his imperial office, his unwearied attention to business in its smallest details, his iron will, his love of military grandeur, uniform, and display, all tended to strike awe. When his power was shattered, a nation rose full grown from its ruins." The work closes with the following words: - "With the government of Russia, France has often been in conflict; with her people, since she has become a nation, France sympathizes and is at one. »

The most important of his educational works is the 'History of Civilization in France' from the earliest times to the French Revolution, with a concluding chapter on general events up to our day. This chapter has been developed into a volume of seven hundred and fifty closely packed pages, The History of Contemporary Civilization in France': an interesting, amusing summing-up of the progress made since 1789 in all branches of human knowledge. It contains a declaration of principle, and a theory of the duty of a citizen. Extracts are given illustrating these points.

M. Rambaud has further written a History of the Greek Empire in the Tenth Century'; a 'History of the French Revolution, 1789– 1799'; a novel for the young-a story of ancient Gaul, 'L'Anneau de César'; and 'French Rule in Germany,' in two volumes, - the first entitled 'The French on the Rhine, 1792-1804,' and the second 'Germany under Napoleon, 1804-1811.' These last-named volumes are

written to refute the accusation of cruelty, tyranny, and perfidy, made by recent German historians against France. The extracts given further on show the line of argument.

The General History' has reached Vol. x., No. 109,- 'The Congress of Verona,' 1822. Chapter vi. of Vol. viii., entirely from the pen of M. Rambaud, treats of Russia, Poland, and the East. The late Greco-Turkish conflict gives interest to the section on Catharine II.'s attempt at founding a Russo-Greek empire, a passage from which is given.

M. Rambaud gives his facts in general with little comment, wasting few words in explanation or ornament. The broad lines that show the important events are straight and clear, without twirl or flourish. Impartial, philosophical, and at times anecdotal, his style differs entirely from the French writers we are accustomed to: unlike Michelet, who was a poet rather than a historian, unlike Thiers, who was a politician and wrote his books in his leisure hours, this scholar of a new school loves the quiet of his study better than the noise of the forum, the depths of historical research better than the shallow stream of popular favor. Yet he must speak, because speech in France is the great organ of education. No man who has not lived in France can understand the power of spoken words over Frenchmen, whether in private or public life.

His first speech was delivered at Besançon in 1880, where he represented the minister, Jules Ferry, at the unveiling of a statue of Victor Hugo. His latest was at the palace of the Trocadero in June last (1897), where he told his fellow-citizens that peoples who would be free must depend on individual effort rather than on government support. Jules Ferry often said the same thing; indeed, M. Rambaud never fails to recall with rare and dignified gratitude, on every occasion, what he owes to his patron: an uncommon thing in these forgetful, hurried times, and a bold thing some years ago in France, where the mention of Jules Ferry's name at a public meeting was shaking a red rag at a bull.

M. Rambaud does speak much and often: he is a minister, and his duties are migratory. He flits from place to place, presiding, discoursing, distributing rewards, and giving good advice. Indeed, the Liberal Republicans are everywhere setting the sound good sense of their teaching against the eloquently worded promises of the reactionary socialist party, who, like all attacking bodies, are very active. Of late M. Rambaud has become a protectionist; imitating Jules Ferry, who did so to please his electors in the east of France. The flame of his eloquence burns low and long; it lights the way without dazzling, it guides without exciting.


From the 'History of Civilization in France>


APOLEON, as First Consul and Emperor, modeled his court on that of former kings, and endeavored to give good manners to his officers and their wives, and to attract the members of the old noblesse; saying, "They alone know how to serve." The revolution of 1848 gave back to the popular classes their rights and power; but the impatience of the workmen and the apathy of the peasants let a new Cæsar rise, who treated. democracy and universal suffrage as children. To-day they are full-grown men. Among the nations of Europe, France stands alone as being the sole important State at once democratic, republican, and with universal suffrage.


From the History of Contemporary Civilization in France>


ONTEMPORARY history should not be separated from politics; nor can politics be, as some seem to think, a matter of opinion, of prejudice, passion, or excitement. When well understood they are a science, and even belong to experimental science; and as such, are of course still uncertain, hypothetical in conclusions: but must tend, if judged in a truly scientific spirit, to laws as sure as those of physics, chemistry, or natural history. . In politics, the heat of passion is always in inverse ratio to a man's scientific education. Ignorant people are always violent.

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In my study of the different forms of government we have tried, it will be seen that I have denied the merits of none: neither the generous, humane ideas of the Constituent, nor the patriotic energy of the Convention, nor the administrative genius. of Napoleon I., nor the parliamentary honesty of the two constitutional monarchies, nor the ardent spirit of social justice which animated the Second Republic [1848], nor the great material progress accomplished under the Second Empire. At the same time, these studies show that none of these forms of government realized the ideal of liberty, equality, and public order, which every party worthy of the name should have in view.

French royalty had not been strong enough to realize equality: it was too strong to permit liberty. Timid with regard to the historical rights of clergy and nobility, it had been tyrannical towards its people.

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The population of France was divided into three estates: the clergy, nobility, and Third Estate. It formed three distinct classes, each having its own laws. The clergy alone numbered 130,000 priests; the nobility 140,000 persons; the Third Estate twentyfive million.

The great revolution is not an accident in our history. It was prepared and brought on by the preceding eight centuries. Its results may be described in three words,- Unity, Equality, Liberty.*

*The last paragraph is from the main work, History of Civilization in France.


From the General History>



HE intended, if successful in driving out the Turks, to create a Greek empire under a Russian Grand-Duke independent of Russia. She gave a Greek name, Constantine, a Greek nurse and playmates, to her grandson born in 1779; and invited the Emperor to visit her in South Russia and settle the European Turkish question. Her progress through New Russia in 1787 was a triumphal march, where all was not show; for the colonization of New Russia, lately a desert exposed to the incursions of Cossacks and Tartars (now peopled with six million human beings), was commenced. On Catharine's return to her capital, war was declared (1787). Neither party was well prepared. French and Prussian officers drilled the Ottoman recruits.



OLAND was waking up from its intestine quarrels. The Jesuits were dismissed by a bull of Clement XIV. This was no misfortune: they had taught the Poles intolerance and the exterior forms of religion; moreover, they had taught Latin to the exclusion of Polish. On their disappearance there was a

national awakening; at least in the hearts of the middle classes, who were educated better than the nobles, less apart from European civilization, already imbued with French ideas, and who were deeply saddened by the misfortunes of their country, which they compared to the wonderful success of the French Revolution against the allied kings. Some nobles were animated with the same sentiments.

Such was Thadeus Kosciuszko. Born in 1757, in the district of Novogrodek (Lithuania), he had entered in 1764 the cadet school founded by Czartoryski. This son of a country gentleman received, one after another, two cruel lessons of social equality: his father was assassinated by some exasperated peasants; while he himself, having fallen in love with the daughter of a nobleman of high rank, found himself scornfully refused.

In America, where Washington appointed him colonel, and where he distinguished himself at Saratoga, Kosciuszko learned what real liberty was, and completed the knowledge he had first sought in our philosophers. During the last war, he was the only Polish general who had been victorious. After the second partition of Poland he became a Russian subject, but refused to serve in the Russian army. He passed into Saxony, and thence to Paris on a mission. Already the Legislative Assembly had named him a French citizen.


From Germany under Napoleon, 1804-1811)


HE Germans complain of the harm we have done them in the wars, almost always defensive, which our kings carried on against the ambition of Austria. Who could calculate the harm done to us by their princes, when in 1791 they turned France from her task of reorganization; when they stirred up hatred between our working classes and our nobility, between the Assembly and Royalty; when they caused the Revolution to end in the Terror? Afterwards, even if the Emperor, the King of Prussia, and the Ecclesiastic Electors did declare war, the people called and welcomed us. After a glorious defensive war, we were able to wage the most humane, the most beneficial of propagating wars. Even under Napoleon I., French

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