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all. There is something infinitely greater and more enduring which is emerging already out of this great conflict - a new patriotism, richer, nobler, and more exalted than the old.

I see amongst all classes, high and low, shedding themselves of selfishness, a new recognition that the honor of the country does not depend merely on the maintenance of its glory in the stricken field but also in protecting its homes from distress. It is bringing a new outlook for all classes. The great flood of luxury and sloth which had submerged the land is receding, and a new Britain is appearing. We can see for the first time the fundamental things that matter in life, and that have been obscured from our vision by the tropical growth of prosperity.



May I tell you in a simple parable what I think this war is doing for us? I know a valley in North Wales, between the mountains and the

It is a beautiful valley, snug, comfortable, sheltered by the mountains from all the bitter blasts. But it is very enervating, and I remember how the boys were in the habit of climbing the hill above the village to have a glimpse of the great mountains in the distance, and to be stimulated and freshened by the breezes which come

from the hilltops, and by the spectacle of their grandeur.

We have been living in a sheltered valley for generations. We have been too comfortable and too indulgent, many, perhaps, too selfish, and the stern hand of fate has scourged us to an elevation where we can see the everlasting things that matter for a nation the great peaks we had forgotten, of Honor, Duty, Patriotism, and, clad in glittering white, the towering pinnacle of Sacrifice pointing like a rugged finger to Heaven.

We shall descend into the valleys again; but as long as the men and women of this generation last, they will carry in their hearts the image of those mighty peaks whose foundations are not shaken, though Europe rock and sway in the convulsions of a great war.


SHE's up there - Old Glory where lightnings

are sped; She dazzles the nations with ripples of red; And she'll wave for us living, or droop o'er us

deadThe flag of our country forever!

She's up there — Old Glory — how bright the

stars stream! And the stripes like red signals of liberty gleam! And we dare for her, living, or dream the last

dream ’Neath the flag of our country forever!

She's up there — Old Glory

Old Glory — no tyrant-dealt


Nor blur on her brightness, no stain on her stars! The brave blood of heroes hath crimsoned her

bars. She's the flag of our country forever!



AMERICANS should be proud of the noble words of President Woodrow Wilson in his address to the Congress of the United States on April 2, 1917. The great war had been raging in Europe, in Asia, in Africa, on the Atlantic and on the Pacific for nearly three years. Obeying the injunction of George Washington in his Farewell Address, our government had made all possible efforts to keep from entangling alliances, and to retain its position as the leader of the neutral nations.

Germany, led by Kaiser William and the heads of the army and navy, had sunk the Lusitania, drowning helpless American women and children. Her official representatives in this country had tried to stir up trouble for us. They had tried to get Mexico and Japan to make common cause against us. They denied the freedom of the seas by sinking neutral vessels. Then they promised to reform, but the promise was only for the purpose of gaining time so that submarine warfare could be made more frightful than before.

The issue was clear. The United States must take part in the vast struggle to make the world safe for democracy, or it must submit to unjust oppression which no free people could endure.

Wilson, in this speech, took up the bugle which had been sounded by Washington, Patrick Henry, Webster, Benjamin Franklin and Abraham Lincoln, and again the call to Americans to defend liberty and democracy rang through the world.


Delivered April 2, 1917


I HAVE called the Congress into extraordinary session because there are serious, very serious, choices of policy to be made and made immediately, which it was neither right nor constitutionally permissible that I should assume the responsibility of making.

On the third of February last I officially laid before you the extraordinary announcement of the Imperial German Government that on and after the first day of February it was its purpose to put aside all restraints of law or of humanity and use its submarines to sink every vessel that sought to approach either the ports of Great Britain and Ireland, or the western coasts of Europe, or any of the ports controlled by the enemies of Germany within the Mediterranean. That had seemed to be the object of the German submarine warfare earlier in the war, but since April of last year the Imperial Government had somewhat restrained the commanders of its undersea craft in conformity with its promise then given to us that passenger-boats should not be sunk and that due warning would be given to all

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